Tuesday, November 24, 2020

Episode #16: "Two AKs Up!" Can Django Unchained & 12 Years a Slave Inspire Struggle? [Part 3 of 3]

Today, the brothers conclude their 3-part discussion of Django Unchained and 12 Years a Slave with a conversation about class, gender, and the definition of the term “to fetishize.” Does Django’s tendency to fetishize the violence of slavery detract from its ability to spark excitement in modern-day slave rebellions? If 12 Years a Slave shows how systemic the violence of slavery was, does it also dampen the sense that we can and should fight slavery as we encounter it today? And can we critique films we see as harmful without shaming the people who found enjoyment in them? These are some of the questions the brothers consider as they rate the potential of each film to help inspire revolution — but instead of “two thumbs up,” the brothers prefer "two AK-47s up!"

PART 1 OF THE CONVERSATION IS HERE
PART 2 OF THE CONVERSATION IS HERE

CLICK HERE to listen to this episode!

Monday, November 2, 2020

Trump and Biden Are Both My Enemies, but Only One of Them Is Openly Providing Leadership to Nazis


The last time i voted in a u.s. presidential general election, it was 2008. I saw past Barack Obama's obvious intelligence and through his vague rhetorical promises. I prided myself in seeing who Obama was talking to ("the middle class") and how friendly he was to the same Wall Street interests who had just turned the economy into their own ATM. I noted his preference for Mitt Romney's Massachusetts health care plan over the single-payer health care policies that I knew would save my Mom and Dad, both of whom would die within the next five years. Instead, I voted for a candidate who excited me -- whose very memory from the 2000 election year still causes many liberals to shudder with revulsion -- one who had begun his political labors decades before as a fresh-out-of-law-school outsider, going head-to-head with the corporate manufacturers of automotive death traps, organizing groups nationwide that were aimed toward holding power accountable, and who at least spoke about poverty, corporate oligarchs, and single-payer health care. I knew my preferred candidate would not win the general election, but I lived in the solidly blue state of California that the Repugnacan presidential candidate wouldn't even come close to winning, and i hoped to boost a third party to the level of support needed to obtain matching federal funds. Rather than simply adding my vote to a guaranteed blowout that would not have earned the blue candidate any more electoral college votes, I believed that voting for a third party would create an opening for genuine debate about things that matter.

By 2012, I had seen Trayvon Martin and Oscar Grant. Those young brothers' murders had opened my eyes. And I had come to see electoral politics as a trap. I had seen that the Obama campaign and then administration had co-opted people and energies away from the radical movements I had come to see as the only hope for Black people's survival. I had seen motherfuckers like George Zimmerman just walking around freely after having gotten his ass whooped by a child he was stalking and murdering that child, and motherfuckers like Johannes Mehserle getting off for having shot an unarmed young Black father in the back on the floor of a public transit platform. Covering the Democratic National Convention for The Feminist Wire that year, I wrote

We Black people must come to see that when one of us has a post with the most powerful job description in the world and still is not free to protect something as basic as our biological existence, then we are not free either. Not just Obama’s hands, but all of our hands are tied. And if electoral democracy holds out no better promise than this, then there are few options that remain aside from those that Assata Shakur and George Jackson recommended.

By 2016, I argued that this same suspicion of electoral politics should be extended into a conclusive reason to reject electoral politics as a terrain of struggle altogether. Still in California, I knew that Clinton would safely win my state's electoral college votes. Angered not only by Hillary Clinton's support for "superpredator" crime and prison policies against Black people but also by her role in the assassinations of Berta Cáceres of Honduras and Muammar Gaddafi of Libya, I felt free to not vote at all, even in down-ballot races. By that time, I had become involved in radical movements protesting the unpunished police murders of Black people. I was helping in small ways to organize Black spaces and Black networks of knowledge production and distribution outside of the academy. Those activities, and surviving gentrification while helping my partner and her children, left me no time to be involved in electoral politics, and that was fine by me. I thought that building capacity in myself and my community was more essential to our struggle than voting ever could be.

But in my total rejection of voting, I can now see, I helped encourage other Black folks around me to reject it. We encouraged each other in something that made us less prepared for the present moment. 
The radical analysis of the racist, capitalist paradigm we live in was correct; my strategic application of it was not. And now, knowing what we have learned over the last four years, I do not believe we, as politically engaged Black people on the left, can totally abandon the electoral theater of struggle. If we do, as we are seeing, that will be precisely the "path of least resistance" through which the enemies of Black freedom drive their tanks like so many Nazi panzer divisions. Decades of "lesser-evil" electoral strategy left Black people almost as vulnerable to white supremacist fascist violence as we were after union troops abandoned us at the end of Reconstruction in 1877. Hence, we, as radical folks who help shape the thinking and actions of our families and communities, have to at least pay attention to what is at stake, even if we choose to sit out voting, and even if we are also preparing to defend ourselves in other ways. 

Even if we know the electoral arena has been bought off by the corporate oligarchs that are killing us, neglecting that terrain of struggle is inviting our enemies to attack us on that terrain. And we have too much riding on our movements to let them be smashed by fascists who just stroll right in without so much as camouflage. This doesn't mean we go volunteer for Demo-rat campaigns or whatever, because the risk of electoral politics is always that it saps our movement energies without giving us anything but empty promises. It is essential that we keep building our own movements outside that arena. That is the best place to put our energies. But while we're doing that, we must also keep an eye on the many ways the antiblack structure tries to shut down our movements. And electoral politics is one of those ways.

Different Times, Different Tactics

In struggle, many things are important; few things are essential. There are no essential differences between Biden's neoliberalism and Trump's right-wing fascism. Both are genocidal bourgeois settler-slaveholder ideologies, and, in fact, the fascism of Trump couldn't have emerged without the neoliberalism of both Demo-rats and the Repugnacans who have held office in recent decades and created the conditions that make amerikkka's settler-colonizers fertile for fascism. Trump and Biden are both essentially hetero-patriarchal imperialist neoliberal fascists. But the important distinction is between how they're going to kill Black, Indigenous, brown, and poor people:

1) Biden was never elected by having active klan-nazi elements as his base. Someone said, "I don't know if Trump is a white supremacist but i know the white supremacists think he's a white supremacist." Trump openly sends love messages to the right-wing white supremacist militias, including his recent "Proud Boys, stand back and stand by!" Biden, for all his buddying up with segregationists in congress, still has had to work closely with Black, Indigenous, brown, LGBTQ+ people, and immigrants, just by virtue of being a Demo-rat from the northeast of the u.s. imperial homeland. Trump feels no need to even pretend NOT to be a white supremacist, and even actively brings klan-nazi elements into policy-crafting governmental roles (like Stephen MillerSteve BannonSebastian Gorka, to name a few) and amplifies their messages within his base. Trump empowers, emboldens, and inspires the same motherfuckers i might have to fight LITERALLY TOMORROW to defend myself and my loved ones.

2) Additionally, while Biden advocated for more policing of Black communities and the 1994 crime bill that has incarcerated many Black men (including my loved ones), Trump not only supported so-called "tough-on-crime" policies from the sidelines -- but he also took out several full-page ads calling for the death penalty against the Exonerated Five from the 1989 Central Park incident. He has never apologized to these Black men for that and even doubled down on it after their innocence had been proven. And they could easily have been me and my loved ones.

3) Now with Trump's proto-genocidal "let-em-die" COVID-19 policy decimating Black and brown communities (whose stability has already been sapped by previous neoliberal policies), his rejection of scientific evidence of the need for humans (and especially amerikkkans) to slash our carbon emissions, and the fascists Trump defends who kill protesters at Black Lives Matter rallies, we clearly see how little Trump gives a damn about Black people's lives. (Well, i can't speak for everyone. Most of us do.) This is not to romanticize Biden. He will probably handle Black domestic concerns the way Obama handled things like Flint, Michigan: assuring everyone that the people saying "the water is poison" are just being dramatic. Biden will also likely handle police reform the way Obama did: forming task forces to research the problems while fundamentally leaving the police in power and without any accountability to the communities they harm. But the "let-em-die" COVID policy of Trumpism -- not just from Trump himself but also from other state officials like governors Brian Kemp of Georgia and Ron DeSantis of Florida -- entails rejecting things like scientific knowledge and the coordination of resources between the different branches of government that i do not expect from a Biden administration.

4) Some major laws and legal rulings make up the modern u.s. administrative state and are now under threat from the new Trumpist right-wing court, including Roe v. WadeBrown v. Topeka Board of EducationGriswold v. Connecticut (right to privacy), the National Labor Relations Act (legalized the formation of labor unions), Grutter/Gratz v. Bollinger (affirmative action), and countless environmental, food/drug safety, labor, and health laws and regulatory agencies. There is never a way to know for sure, but Biden appointees would be highly unlikely to dismantle this whole network of laws, at least in the short term.

This is not even an exhaustive list. But if these differences are important to you -- and in this moment they're definitely important to me -- then take a moment and at least try to vote. No telling if they'll count the vote, but if it costs little to do it, it's a good idea to shape the field on which we must struggle.

The performative aspects of the presidency -- like the dignity of the office or the "notches on the belt" of legislative initiative -- are less of my concern because i don't think that the u.s.a. has an ethical right to exist in the first place. This is to say that the u.s.a. is unique as a hub of global empire -- the anchor tenant of an unethical world system that consists of capitalism and antiblackness. It is unethical from its inception. There's no "dignified" way to force Indigenous people off their land, poison Black-majority cities, and dispatch police death squads. And "legislative achievements" like tax cuts and welfare reform don't count as achievements to me because all i can think of is the schools and children those tax cuts and "reforms" starve. So Biden might very well, like Obama, steer the slave ship more ably than trump, enabling a few more of us to die just a little more slowly. But that will never mean that the ship is heading in an ethical direction. It's still taking us to the slave market, to the slaughter. Obama took us to the slaughter, and Biden will do the same if he wins.

However, be all that as it may, Trump is tossing us overboard right now. And let's not delude ourselves: That's a more immediate threat, even if both Biden and trump are long-term threats to our existence. Yes, fascism emerges from neoliberalism, but that doesn't make them the same or both equally threatening to Black, brown, Indigenous, and poor folks in this moment. Trump's fascism is a vanguard movement of white supremacists, paving the way for future white supremacist fascists who will make trump look tame and "establishment" by comparison.

"Ruthless Killers"

Look, let me be honest: As of today, on the eve of election day, i don't even believe Biden will be president. Sure, Biden will likely win the nationwide popular vote. (Every poll i see summarized in the news predicts that.) But that would only matter if the u.s.a. were a democratic republic. (The u.s.a. is fundamentally a genocide, and that's what it returns to in moments when actual democratic processes threaten to interrupt or undermine that genocide.) Because of the electoral college, the popular vote is not what decides u.s. presidential elections, and Trump has been showing the world that he is going to take advantage of that fact by any means he can, both legal and illegal.

Months ago, he had his fundraiser-turned-postmaster Louis DeJoy disrupting the u.s. postal service mail processing capabilities, indicating impressive levels of foresight (not to mention the years-long efforts to force Ukraine to attack Biden's presidential prospects, the basis of trump's impeachment). More than a week before the death of u.s. supreme court justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, trump was already floating names of people he might appoint to his third supreme court slot, the crowning achievement of his first-term judicial appointments, of which there have been hundreds, thanks to the Repugnacan senate. He has been regularly feeding racist red meat to his base and encouraging anti-masking protests in the middle of the COVID pandemic. And, of course, his let-em-die COVID response disproportionately victimizes those of us, including Black folks, who have traditionally voted against Repugnacans, something that, along with drastically reduced numbers of polling locations, seems calculated to further depress the turnout of voters who must stand in hours-long lines at the polls.

Of course, unlike his response to COVID, his plan to steal the election seems quite comprehensive, efficient, and well planned. So even though electoral turnout is actually shattering early voting records across the country (and, in some areas, early voting has already exceeded overall 2016 voting) in spite of the COVID risk, trump knows that he still has options to throw out thousands of ballots -- and the Demo-rats and his Repugnacan enablers won't stop him. It's economical for him to cheat because there are only about 20 counties in so-called battleground states that are going to make the decisive difference in this election. Twenty. 

Even if we suppose that voters get past all the long lines and voter IDs and other voter suppression laws and methods right-wingers have weaponized against us for at least the last decade, and even if the armies of lawyers trump is dispatching to those jurisdictions fail to convince the disproportionately conservative federal courts, including the u.s. supreme court on which conservative appointees now hold a super-majority -- there are definitely more than 20 groups who are energized to ram Biden campaign vehicles when Don Trump, Jr, says things like "have some fun." So, for people as morally vacuous as these motherfuckers, sending out 20 groups with guns to key polling locations in 20 swing states? -- shit, that's a juicy opportunity when another four years is on the line. And, of course, when there are police who are willing to do things like pepper-spray elders in wheelchairs on a nonviolent march to the polls to vote, police who are caught preparing to do even worse by training each other in military doctrines ("be a ruthless killer") that quote Robert E. Lee and Adolf Hitler -- we are going to have to struggle on our own, because the Repugnacans and Demo-rats will condemn our defense of our right to vote, just like Biden and trump condemned our responses to police violence against us, including the recent Philadelphia police murder of Walter Wallace.

In Defense of Our Movements

I'm prepared to be very wrong about my election prediction, but I don't think that matters anymore. My point is, vote, if you're going to, but please don't think that will be enough. Trump forces our hands. Sooner rather than later, we have to act.

First, if we are voting, we have to check a box on a ballot that might help us defend ourselves against the existential threat Trump poses to us. (If you're lucky enough to live in a state trump can't possibly win, there are several left third parties that can use your support.)

Next, and most essentially, we have to use whatever means are necessary to defend ourselves against whatever shit goes down after that. Be prepared for something to go down. There are many signs that it will. These motherfuckers are coming for us.

Finally, please, let us organize our freedom movements for long-term struggle with renewed purpose. I can't offer suggestions on groups, but if you attend a local protest against police terrorism, you might find that a good place to meet like-minded folks you can build with. We need to work with the many groups on the left that are organizing grassroots independent (i.e., NOT corporate-funded) parties that empower Black, brown, Indigenous, and poor people in the long term. Remember, not all parties are bound to electoral political parties, and ours cannot afford to have their energies sapped by electoralism. The fact that we must sometimes rely on a candidate like Biden in the short term to fend off the threat of trump is not an invitation to adopt a "lesser-evil" politics strategy. It's an indication that trump is so bad that even non-voting folks like me are saying, "We gotta get this motherfucker outta here before he kills us!" We must survive pending revolution.

But creating the kinds of politics that will address our unmet needs cannot start in the electoral arena, which repeatedly shows us that it is too compromised with corporate capitalism and antiblackness to ever be about our freedom. We gotta start our own groups at the local level. And, as political prisoner Russell Maroon Shoatz advised in his seminal essay "Black Fighting Formations," it is essential that, from the beginning, we give serious consideration to what aspects of our movements must be underground and what aspects need to be aboveground.

We are still trapped behind the barbed wire, and "lesser-evil" electoral politics helped get us here. Please don't just vote; organize to defend our communities against the genocidal right-wing fusion of police and paramilitary. Organize to build the community networks of care and education and resources that our movements need. Nothing besides us will save us. While we mark the ballot with one hand we can grip the pistol with the other. If nazis are rolling through our hoods, only one of those tools might save us.

Wednesday, October 28, 2020

Episode #15: O'Shea Jackson (Ice Cube) and the Ethics of "Stepping Up"

 


The brothers discuss Ice Cube (O'Shea Jackson) leaping into Black political leadership at the last minute with his Contract with Black America. Many people have focused on some fairly amateurish media maneuvers Cube made in relation to the professional liars at the trump campaign. But to do so is to take some needed focus off of something more deeply concerning: Cube's obvious embrace of both Black capitalism and an anti-PanAfricanist movement for reparations called the ADOS movement. After meeting with Cube and explaining how trump is an existential threat to her and others working for Black lives, Alicia Garza of Black Lives Matter said, "ain’t no movement on an agenda without a movement. justice isn't a business transaction.." Regardless of what side one comes down on, this whole situation has many lessons for us to learn, including lessons about the importance of consulting with those who have already been doing the work, the timing of when we meet with our enemies, and how we enter the field of Black leadership.

Click HERE to listen to this episode 


Sunday, October 18, 2020

Episode #14: Is Django Unchained "Working Class" and 12 Years a Slave "Middle Class"? [Part 2 of 3]

In part 2 of their conversation about slavery films Django Unchained (2012) and 12 Years a Slave (2013), G & O continue by comparing the politics of Black working-class political demands versus Black middle-class political demands in the two films. O describes his concerns about Django's individualism serving as a fantasy of resistance to slavery. "Whose fantasies," O asks, "is Django responsible to?... We have to be critical both of the film and of our enjoyment of the film." G argues that finally having this kind of heroic action fantasy in the genre of slavery films, while problematic, is "useful" to the Black political imagination of freedom as well as to our individual Black lives. O and G also talk about the difference between a film like Django that fetishizes the violence of slavery versus one like 12 Years a Slave that handles it a manner that is more "responsible to Black suffering"-- but also deeply disturbing and heavy. TO BE CONTINUED... 

PART 1 OF THE CONVERSATION IS HERE

PART 3 OF THE CONVERSATION IS HERE


CLICK HERE to listen to this episode!

Thursday, October 15, 2020

Episode #13: Black TV Is Showing Up for Us Just in Time for the Fight!


"If you're a Black person in America, you've been seeing the way the world really works but it was never reflected in any sort of a broad way. It can always have the effect on you of making you feel like you were seeing something and it was only you that saw it. You're kind of wondering is there something wrong with you that you're only seeing how crazy this is or how violent that is or how racist this country is. And so you're going along sort of -- you and your network of people you can speak frankly with are the only ones who know those feelings, right? I'd say since The Wire there's been sort of an exposure of American society that, growing up in my generation, I never thought would be reflected on television the way it is."
--G, this episode

Click HERE to listen to this episode of the AllThoughtIsBlackThought podcast!!!

In this episode, the brothers briefly discuss three TV shows -- The Wire, Underground, and Lovecraft Country -- Black stories that are really speaking to some concerns Black radicals have been raising for decades, shows that can be used to educate our movements, shows that make significant artistic contributions as well. **** NOTE ON SPOILERS!!*** We won't spoil Lovecraft Country for those who haven't seen it, but beware of spoilers in the first 3/4 of this podcast episode regarding The Wire and Underground if you haven't seen them yet!

Thursday, October 1, 2020

Episode #12: This Is Not Unprecedented! Black Thought's Lessons for the Present (Fascist) Moment

CLICK HERE TO LISTEN TO THE EPISODE

In South Africa, the white supremacist apartheid government spread quaaludes in the Black community to stifle the freedom movement. The CIA spread cocaine in the Black community in the u.s.a.

Oppressors share technologies for oppressing. There's a lot that is new and shocking about this moment. COVID in the air. Fascists and police collaborating to kill and hurt Black and Indigenous people. (Never mind the human-caused collapse of the global ecosystem our species needs to live.)

But some of what is being called "unprecedented" -- totally new and never before seen -- we have in fact seen before. To be as prepared as possible to resist what's coming, we must study the histories that hip us to how oppressors get down.

In this episode, G & O urge folks to check out Agents of Repression by Ward Churchill and Jim Vander Wall and other radical histories that are rich with lessons our Black/Indigenous past offers us right now. These books, articles, and videos offer important insights into how oppressors try to crush the freedom movements oppressed people use to survive the onslaught of white supremacist fascism. 




Friday, September 11, 2020

EPISODE #11: September 11, 1851: Black Folk Unite and Fight Off Slavehunters. Why Don't We Learn about Our Collective Resistance to Oppression?


On September 11, 1851, in Christiana, Pennsylvania (u.s. a.), a mutual defense network of Black abolitionists led by William Parker confronted a posse of u.s. marshals and slave catchers pursuing 4 Black men who escaped from the plantation of Maryland slaveholder Edward Gorsuch. After surrounding and repelling the marshals, they killed the slaveholder Gorsuch, wounded his son, and helped the 4 escapees flee to a community of free Black people in Canada. DID YOU LEARN ABOUT THIS IN SCHOOL?

Today's episode of the AllThoughtIsBlackThought podcast is a tribute to these little-known Black freedom fighters. Click HERE to listen!


*****

William Parker was a 29-year-old Black man who had escaped slavery in Maryland. He was a leader in a Black mutual defense and resistance network in southern Pennsylvania.

"[We] had formed an organization for mutual protection against slaveholders and kidnappers," Parker told the Atlantic Monthly in 1866, "and had resolved to prevent any of our brethren being taken back into slavery, at the risk of our own lives…Whether the kidnappers were clothed in legal authority or not, I did not care to inquire, as I never had faith nor respect for the Fugitive Slave Law."

The law that Parker was talking about had been passed in 1850. It was written by slaveholders in Congress. It deputized all white people as slavehunters of all Black people anywhere in the u.s.a. Even if the Black people were legally free, the law basically allowed white people to easily get away with kidnapping and selling us into slavery in the south before our loved ones even knew we were missing. Some local white people in border states like Pennsylvania even pretended to befriend escapees, gaining information that they would turn around and sell to slavehunters, allowing their Black "friends" to be returned to slavery.

Realizing the law was not protecting us, Black people (and some white people) organized to defend ourselves. Members of Parker's network stood ready to fight off kidnappers at all times and with any tools or weapons they had if a community member needed help. The network did not work alone. They worked with a network of spies headed by Black abolitionist William Still who tracked the movements of slave kidnappers and helped escapees safely reach freedom in Canada.

Parker recounted an incident when his network learned that a group of slavehunters had kidnapped a young Black woman:

"[A Black man] sounded the alarm, that 'the kidnappers were at Whitson's, and were taking away his girl.' The news soon reached me, and with six or seven others, I followed them. We proceeded with all speed to a place called the Gap-Hill, where we overtook them, and took the girl away. Then we beat the kidnappers, and let them go. We learned afterwards that they were all wounded badly, and that two of them died in Lancaster, and the other did not get home for some time. Only one of our men was hurt, and he had only a slight injury in the hand.”

In 1849, four Black men escaped from Maryland slaveholder Edward Gorsuch's plantation and made it to Parker's safehouse in Christiana, Pennsylvania. In 1851, Gorsuch paid a white informant who claimed to have knowledge of the escaped men's whereabouts and led Gorsuch and a posse of u.s. marshals and slavehunters to Parker’s house. They arrived at dawn on September 11.

A Black member of William Till’s spy network, Samuel Williams, had followed the slavehunter posse for days. He informed William Parker and his wife, Eliza, that the kidnappers were coming. When Gorsuch arrived, Eliza Parker blew a horn to alert the Black self-defense network to come together. The kidnappers shot at her but missed.

The kidnappers tried quoting law and biblical scripture to get the men to surrender themselves, all to no avail. They almost succeeded when one of the escaped men (Alexander Pinckney) got shook and offered to surrender. Eliza grabbed her corn knife and threatened to cut his throat if he tried. (Several of Eliza's close relatives living nearby were escapees, too, and she knew she had too much "skin in the game" to go out without a fight.)

Gorsuch, the slaveholder, tried to convince the men that he would not punish them if they surrendered. The Parkers pretended to consider his offer, delaying the kidnappers until the members of the self-defense network had them surrounded.

At that point, the u.s. marshals gave up and began to run away. They advised Gorsuch to do the same, but the slaveholder persisted: "My property I will have, or I'll breakfast in hell."

The escapees and the mutual defense network obliged him: They beat and shot him to death. They also severely injured his son with shotgun blast in his side.

William Parker and the 4 men escaped to Canada by the time the marshals returned in force. Frederick Douglass assisted the escape, and even gave William Parker the pistol Gorsuch drew during the fight. Eliza Parker and the children later joined William in Canada.

Oh, and remember Alexander Pinckney, the escapee who had tried to surrender? He went on to join the famous the Massachusetts 54th regiment, fighting against slavery in the u.s. civil war.

DID YOU EVER LEARN ABOUT THIS IN SCHOOL? IF NOT, WHY NOT? WHAT DO YOU THINK IT WILL TAKE FOR REAL-LIFE STORIES OF BLACK RESISTANCE TO BE TAUGHT? AND WHAT ARE WE DOING TO CREATE NEW REAL-LIFE STORIES OF RESISTANCE TO OPPRESSION TODAY?

SOURCES:

Thomas P. Slaughter, Bloody Dawn: The Christiana Riot and Racial Violence in the Antebellum North (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991)

William Parker, "The Freedman’s Story"
https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1866/02/the-freedmans-story/308737/

John Anderson, "The Christiana Riot of 1851"
https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/christiana-riot-1851/


Tuesday, September 1, 2020

New Podcast Episode: Black August: Why Understanding George Jackson Is Essential to Our Survival Today

 


Episode #10: Black August: Why Understanding George Jackson Is Essential to Our Survival Today

CLICK HERE TO LISTEN TO THIS EPISODE

Revolutionary prison abolition activist George Lester Jackson (1941-1971) is central to why many Black people commemorate Black August. In this special episode, G talks about his work studying this great Black freedom fighter. The brothers discuss how the movement Jackson sparked behind bars faced conditions similar to those that Black people (and others) face today. Whether we're incarcerated or not, Jackson's books, Soledad Brother and Blood In My Eye, can teach us a lot about how our freedom struggle can survive and even grow under the harsh, repressive conditions of the present neo-fascist times.












https://anchor.fm/allthoughtisblackthought/episodes/Episode-10-Black-August-Why-Understanding-George-Jackson-Is-Essential-to-Our-Survival-Today-eivn3j/

Thursday, August 6, 2020

Podcast Episode #7: Comparing Two Films: Django Unchained (2012) and 12 Years a Slave (2013) [PART 1 of 3]

In the first of 3 episodes, G & O begin a discussion of the films Django Unchained (2012) and 12 Years a Slave (2013). G explains how fantasies of freedom can be constructed by film, and that his first impression of Django focused on its potential to construct a fantasy of violent resistance to slavery that could be useful for Black liberation. "People's imagination is shaped," G explains. "It's not just that you imagine yourself as being free even if there's no representation of your freedom... Look at how long there's been a representation of Black people being unfree and that being normal." But O begins to ask whose fantasies filmmaker Quentin Tarantino really cares about and serves. 



CLICK HERE TO LISTEN


Monday, July 27, 2020

Podcast Episode #6: This Lynching Victim Shot Back: Honoring Robert Charles


Today, July 27, 2020, makes 120 years since the valiant four-day shootout that a Black laborer named Robert Charles had with a police-led lynch mob in New Orleans. G & O recount Charles' story, which Ida B. Wells preserved, and its importance for Black freedom struggle today.

LISTEN TO THE PODCAST EPISODE HERE and read the Black Thought of the Day below.

This Lynching Victim Shot Back

Few people today remember the massacres of scores of Black people in New Orleans in the year 1900, but even fewer have even heard of the Black man whose bold and defiant actions those massacres were in response to. Robert Charles, a Black man who worked as a laborer, a Black man who sold newspapers to help promote the cause of Black people escaping amerikkka and returning to Afrika, a Black man who believed Black people had a right to defend ourselves against the violence of both the state and civil society, a Black man who, in the end, took up arms in resistance to police abuse and the terror of white lynch mobs. The white people in and around New Orleans would have found an excuse— any excuse— to lynch Black people and burn us out of the communities we work so hard to build. But when Robert Charles smoked 7 white people and wounded 20 more, he taught the police and the lynch mob that he was hard to kill— that, as G says, it’s gonna take some ass to get some ass— and they couldn’t stand to be taught a lesson in violence— their native tongue— by a mere Black man.

I don’t know about you, but i never learned about Robert Charles until a friend hipped me to him. He was not among the Black freedom fighters i heard about in school— an i’ve had a lot of schooling and done a lot of reading specifically in Black history and radical Black thought. Obviously, his exclusion from our history books is a deliberate attempt to police the thought of Black people who might otherwise be inspired to stand up for ourselves against structural antiblackness.

Ida B. Wells began to research and write about him within days of his death, and noted that he was viciously maligned by the newspapers.

The press of the country has united in declaring that Robert Charles was a desperado. As usual, when dealing with a negro, he is assumed to be guilty because he is charged. … Because they failed to find any legal evidence that Charles was a lawbreaker and desperado his accusers gave full license to their imagination and distorted the facts that they had obtained, in every way possible, to prove a course of criminality, which the records absolutely refuse to show.
Charles had his first encounter with the police Monday night, in which he was shot in the street duel which was begun by the police after Officer Mora had beaten Charles three or four times over the head with his billy in an attempt to make an illegal arrest. In defending himself against the combined attack of two officers with a billy and their guns upon him, Charles shot Officer Mora and escaped.
Early Tuesday morning Charles was traced to Dryades Street by officers who were instructed to kill him on sight. There, again defending himself, he shot and killed two officers. This, of course, in the eyes of the American press, made him a desperado. (Wells, Mob Rule in New Orleans, 1900, https://www.gutenberg.org/files/14976/14976-h/14976-h.htm) 

Even legendary New Orleans jazz composer Jelly Roll Morton, also a contemporary of Robert Charles, said that a local folk song was written about Charles, but quickly silenced by New Orleans authorities, suppressing the memory of the man and punishing those who sang the song:

They had a song out on Robert Charles, like many other songs and like many other, er, bad men that always had some kind of a song and somebody originated it on ‘em. But this song was squashed very easily by the department. And not only by the department, by any of the surrounding people that ever heard the song. Due to the fact that it was a trouble breeder and it never did get very far. I used to know the song, but I found it was best for me to forget it. And that I did, in order to go along with the world on the peaceful side. (Morton, "Library of Congress Narrativehttp://www.doctorjazz.co.uk/locspeech1.html)

In the land of free speech, in the land supposedly based on the idea that “all men are created equal” and that “whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it,” — Black people are not included in “the People,” Black people have no free speech, and cannot be allowed to have even a memory of the violence it takes to fight for anything even resembling our equal rights.

It is similar to the way that, in these times, declaring that Black Lives Matter is said to be terroristic.

Oh, sure, in the brief moment, we see a few statues coming down of those who, like J. Marion Sims, experimented sadistically on Black women to found the modern field of gynecology, those who, like Christopher Columbus, slaughtered and tortured Indigenous people and trafficked little girls— we still hear the overwhelming rejoinder that these statues commemorating the oppressive and racist people who “made amerikkka great” should be remembered and allowed to be displayed prominently. Such people might say, “You can remember Robert Charles as long as i can remember Nathan Bedford Forrest.”

So for people who resisted lynching, memory might be allowed as long as the memory of the people who lynched is also preserved. Such false, moral equivalencies obscure what’s really going on. The powerful oppressors— who dot the land with memorials rationalizing their racist genocide and enslavement of people —know that statues and other memorials perform ideological labor. They make white people feel proud of those very things of which they should feel ashamed. They know that whiteness — which, again, is not a racial or genetic category but some made up BS — is enforced by genocide and slavery, and so it is imperative to tidy up the memory of genociders so that people will normalize the violence they have done and continue to do through subsequent generations. They know that these memorials do violence to Indigenous and Black people — more violence than we could ever return, for their violence shaped the realities we live in, the realities the modern world must endure. There is no equivalency between the oppressed who can barely hear the names of our freedom fighters spoken or sung about and the ones who slaughtered us who have their faces on 20 dollar bills.

It’s like Walter Rodney said: "By what standard of morality can the violence used by a slave to break his chains be considered the same as the violence of a slave master?" (Rodney, The Groundings with My Brothers, 2019, London: Verso, p. 16).

white people are not fighting for their very lives. We, Black people, are fighting for our very lives. When everywhere we walk, we see statues of our oppressors towering overhead, while on the streets below we see people who look like us forced to sleep on concrete—or being strangled to death
remembering those who fought back against the racist structure is ideological insurgency and life breath to a people who can’t breathe.

Take it from the expert. In The Wretched of the Earth, Black freedom fighter, psychiatrist, and revolutionary theorist Frantz Fanon remarked on something he observed about the attitude that oppressed people in the middle of a struggle take toward those who get branded as “criminals” when they fight back against the police.

In order to maintain their stamina and their revolutionary capabilities, the people also resort to retelling certain episodes in the life of the community. The outlaw, for example, who holds the countryside for days against the police, hot on his trail, or who succumbs after killing four or five police officers in single- handed combat or who commits suicide rather than "give up" his accomplices, all constitute for the people role models, action schemas, and "heroes." And there is no point, obviously, in saying that such a hero is a thief, a thug, or a degenerate. [Fanon (Richard Philcox trans.), 2004, NY: Grove, p. 30]

In these coronavirus times, in these times of protests seeking justice for Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery, and George Floyd — among countless others — it is very important that we maintain or develop our stamina and our revolutionary capabilities, as Fanon said, by re-telling the stories that many of us are just hearing for the first time. It is part of our healing. It is good news that isn’t even new— that is only new because we never knew that we have resisted our oppression at every stage.

Today is July 27, 2020. It has been 120 years since the valiant 4-day shootout that a Black laborer named Robert Charles had with a police-led lynch mob in New Orleans in the year 1900. Ida B. Wells fought to preserve the good memories of those who knew him in her book “Mob Rule in New Orleans”:

Men who knew him say that he was a law-abiding, quiet, industrious, peaceable man. So he lived.

So he lived and so he would have died had not he raised his hand to resent unprovoked assault and unlawful arrest that fateful Monday night. That made him an outlaw, and being a man of courage he decided to die with his face to the foe. The white people of this country may charge that he was a desperado, but to the people of his own race Robert Charles will always be regarded as the hero of New Orleans.

Friday, July 24, 2020

PODCAST EPISODE #5: Danger: Workers Idle


On today’s episode of the All Thought Is Black Thought podcast, brother G called brother O to see how he’s holding up in the out-of-work Covid times. The brothers talked about how so-called idle time carries unique anxieties for workers and holds up unique possibilities for organizing new possibilities.


CLICK HERE to listen

Friday, July 10, 2020

PODCAST EPISODE #4: Why Karens Keep Losing Their Minds: The Antiblack Fantasy

Carolyn Bryant had 14-year-old Emmett Till murdered in 1955"Permit Patty"




















What does it mean when white people just irrupt against Black people and it's caught on video?

What would we have seen if 14-year-old Emmett Till had had a smartphone and Instagram to record his interaction with Carolyn Bryant, the woman who had him murdered?

Today, G & O discuss the videos of "karens" and "chads" losing their minds and policing Black and brown people's public appearances and behaviors when they ought to mind their own business. The "karen" and "chad" videos are little documentaries exposing the violent antiblack fantasies of individual people that reflect a broader collective antiblack fantasy. This fantasy shapes the antiblack social structure we live in, including things like the urban geography and disposal of environmental toxins. G & O also go into how the same structure of antiblack fantasies that created the modern world 500 years ago is still visible in the "karen" and *chad" videos.

Sunday, July 5, 2020

NEW ALL THOUGHT IS BLACK THOUGHT Podcast Episode #3: White People Are Smoking Crack: The Fantasy of July 4 from the Perspective of Black Thought

Image of Jordan Davis, murdered by a white man in 2012
For July 4th, All Thought Is Black Thought podcast hosts G & O talk about the ways white people are still hitting the crackpipe of antiblackness in the fantasies they have about what life is like for Black folks. Because the power dynamic of slavery is still present in Black lives, Black people's knowledge of how slavery has continued to define  our lives can empower us to effect radical change. That's why, in a time when the lens of slavery is among the sanest ways to look at the contradictions of modern Black life, many forces are trying to suppress Black folks' acknowledgement of how slavery remains present in our lives. When it comes to Black thought, policing isn't just done by the "boys in blue," but by other parties-- including educators, colleagues, neighbors, friends, and karens-- who are unofficially deputized to police Black bodies and Black thought. 

Check out the latest episode HERE.








Wednesday, June 17, 2020

NEW PODCAST EPISODE on ALL THOUGHT IS BLACK THOUGHT episode #2: Expecting the Unacceptable

Episode #2 of All Thought is Black Thought is out wherever you listen to podcasts!




Episode #2, Expecting the Unacceptable, an audio version of a recent piece Myrrh wrote here on CosmicHoboes, goes into the contradiction of expecting Black people to just go along with our unpunished murders, a contradiction that makes the modern world possible. What Black people are forced to expect-- traumatic violence-- is something we cannot accept. We have nothing to lose by resisting. So what do we expect to happen? "[W]e must resist the antiblack societies and world we live in, even if we don't have an immediate idea of what a society and world without antiblackness would look like."

Click HERE to listen to the podcast













Thursday, June 11, 2020

Expecting the Unacceptable: We Cannot Live Like This [with audio]



What we have come to expect is something we cannot accept. 

It is actually quite simple: We just want to be free. That's more than emancipation, more than some white people saying "you're free" while white people as a whole keep us at the mercy of their whimsical fears and fantasies, our lives and freedom hanging in the balance of their perennial electoral shifts and policy pronouncements and pinky promises from politicians that change is coming.

The choice has always been clear: Build a just society or suffer the massive wildfires of resistance to injustice. The only reason it is made any more complicated than that is because nonblack people want to compromise our demands for freedom. They want to maintain an unsalvageable system that keeps their lives mattering more than ours. So it falls to us to create the justice they choose not to create despite all their pronouncements that "all men are created equal."

And, yes, there will be justice because there is trauma, concentrated and compounded like interest on a debt that grows like cancer within Black communities, a debt that rightly belongs to nonblack communities and the unethical power structure that relies on our pain and death. 

Trauma wants justice, even if it must mask itself for generations or centuries to get it. It will come out. The violence in the streets so far is but a small and bittersweet taste of that yearning for justice that seethes within our veins. 

If they expect us to "get over it," to live with this weight we carry for them, with all its unfairness, the very minimum they can do is not complain when we tell them to accept, with the same unfairness, that we have to burn their shit down and send cops to their graves occasionally. It's clear they just won't have it any other way. It's clear that there are no nonviolent ways to make Black lives matter.

But, of course, it will never even itself out. We come out with the worse end of the bargain. And that's not just because they have the advantages of guns and germs and steel on their side. It's because in order to get a good diagnosis of the problem we're dealing with, we have to bear witness to horrific, traumatic events that show us just what we mean to the society and the world we must call our home. And it absolutely tears us up inside, even though we also have to look. Even though to look is to be killed, to literally have our life expectancies shortened, by the amassed collective trauma of what we see, we can also die from not looking, from hiding.

What we have come to expect is something we cannot accept. And this is nothing new for us Black people, but it bears repeating.

We are so used to the terror of antiblackness that some strange balance of the worst options-- exposing ourselves to COVID-19 and right-wing violence or staying inside in brooding silence as we watch the videos of our murder played on repeat over 24-hour news cycles-- is the closest many of us get to what justice might look like. It's not much of a choice. It never has been.


Yes, i am sick and tired of seeing it.

Yes, i am sick and tired of hearing about it. 

Yes, i am sick and tired of it being a reality. 

Yes, i am sick and tired of being sick and tired-- as Mama Fannie Lou Hamer said it. 

Yes, it is even more terrifying just to know that it happens whether we see it or not.

Yes, i am tired of living in constant trauma.

Yes, the videos of our murders and assaults at the hands of police and others traumatize us in lasting ways.

Yes, our ancestors were traumatized by direct, unmediated violence. 

Yes, trauma is a tool our oppressors use to sap our resolve to fight, and it has been since the slaveholders had us whipped in front of all the Black people on the plantation and since the lynchers dumped our mutilated corpses in our Black communities.

And yes, we can become saturated with trauma in ways that weaken our struggle.

But yes, trauma is also the only thing that has ever driven us to truly fight back.

Yes, we forget the names and faces of those whose deaths do not traumatize us.

Yes, elder Mamie Till said, "i want the world to see what they did to my boy!" And yes, we have never forgotten her son, Emmett Till, because when we saw what those white women and men did to him-- with impunity-- we were traumatized, and we struggled harder because Mamie Till made that sacrifice-- opening the casket and showing her son's horrifically battered and decomposed corpse to the press and the world-- a sacrifice that she and others should never have had to make. "I want the world to see..."

Yes, Black life is a constant state of navigating through trauma after trauma -- if it ain't one thing, it's another.

No, i don't know an effective nonviolent way for us to address this problem. 

Life is full of contradictions and compromises that we have to circumvent, resolve, or succumb to. That's true for everybody always. But Black life has special contradictions. The society in general and the world just expects, and tries to force us to accept, that things are one way when we know they do not have to be that way.


We find out that a brother, Ahmaud Arbery, was killed by two white men while he was jogging through a neighborhood in south Georgia. And we already know the drill. We are somewhat used to it, even though we know it is horribly wrong that two white men, a father-son duo, hunt and murder a Black jogger while another white man assisted them and recorded video in a kind of lynching bonding ritual. We're not that surprised about the fact that this shit is happening, but we also are that surprised that this shit goes down the specific ways it does. The trauma is in the details.


And then, before we can process that, we find out that a sister, Breonna Taylor, was killed by police, who stormed into her home in Louisville, Kentucky, and shot her to death while she slept. The police later realized they had the wrong address. And to top it all off they made a half-assed incident report that didn't even list her fatal injuries. And, to date, no charges have been filed.

And then, before we can process that, we find out that another Black man, George Floyd, has been choked to death by police in Minneapolis. One of the three officers who murdered brother Floyd was kneeling on his neck, his hands in his pockets, looking nonchalant about the fact that he was taking a life. And seeing the little details like that is traumatic in ways we cannot forget or forgive.

And then, before we can process that, we find out that another Black man, Tony McDade, was murdered by police in Tallahassee, Florida. And we cannot even find enough details in the news to be traumatized by, because he was a transgender man who struggled with mental illness, and therefore marginalized within the community as well as by virtue of being Black in an antiblack world.

And just as we begin to learn the details of McDade's life, we learn of the police murder of David McAtee-- aka the Barbeque Man of Louisville-- at a protest in a community where he was known for serving free food to cops.




And, of course, the present COVID-19 crisis and street protests carry their own specific contradictions for Black people. Police treat us like criminals for not wearing masks in public during a global pandemic in which not even hospitals can get masks, while the same police distribute masks to white people who are violating the social distancing and public mask laws. We are treated like criminals for wearing masks in public during a global pandemic because the masks supposedly make us look like criminals, unlike when white people wear the same goddamn masks. 

And then we find that a press pass means we can report on the protests against police abuse of Black people-- but if we're Black, it means we'll be abused by the police on national television while we're reporting on protests against police abuse of Black people.

Add those contradictions to the ongoing contradictions Black people have been enduring already, which boil down to this: Our lives are not mourned by the larger society when we die, and the society doesn't adapt to make our deaths less likely. 


We are forced to live in neighborhoods that kill us. We are killed in our own homes by police sworn to "protect and serve." We are killed (with impunity) while standing in a public place by those who are supposed to protect and serve us. We are arrested for breaking into our own homes. We accept a ride home from a lifelong acquaintance who lynches us. We have neighbors who shun us in moments of need, or shun our children during emergencies, or shoot us when we ask them for helpWe go to schools that miseducate us, and school districts have us arrested for trying to get our kids into districts that give a higher-quality educationWe go to hospitals that don't listen to even the richest of us about our health conditions, that have us arrested for trying to get lifesaving care and thereby cause our death. We send our children to a reputable children's hospital for something as basic as a tonsillectomy only to find ourselves praying the child will live when the hospital removes her from life support. Our children are prosecuted as adultsWe get affirmed for the ways we appear to be something other than Black. When we try to affirm our own Black beautiful bodies, we are branded unruly and get kicked out of school, or fired from our jobs, or forced to cut off our beautiful locks that we have worked hard to grow. We elect Black presidents but remain unfree. We know we are human but must compromise with a world that is just as sure that we are not.

For Black people, the contradiction "Black life" has a special kind of sticking power because the non-mattering of our lives has been coded into the order of the modern world since its inception 500 years ago. We live with the fact that our lives don't matter to the world we live in.

This is a special kind of contradiction because it is not the exception to the rule: It is the rule stated in alternate form. "All people are created equal, but Black people are not people." "All people have the right to life, but incidents involving Black people are called 'No Humans Involved.'" 

Black life is a state of ambivalence. But it's not so complicated that we can't figure out which way is the right way to go. It's complicated because the world is so deeply invested in antiblackness that it codes the non-mattering of Black life into the DNA of the social order. It's hard to think outside of a world that is convinced to its core that Black lives don't matter, when everything within that world seems to confirm that principle. So simply thinking of what it would look like for our lives to matter becomes nearly unimaginable, even to us.



 
Just look at the video (above) of police brutalizing Marcia and Derek Gray, a mother and son who were trying to return a TV they had just bought at a Sam's Club in Missouri after the police interrogated them on suspicion of stealing the TV. Two people watching the incident are critiquing the Black people on the ground and rationalizing the behavior of the police. "I would have slammed his ass, too!" says one of the spectators. A spectator blames the Black man for being "irate" with police who were, at that very moment, brutalizing the man's mother. Never mind that white people are rarely body slammed and handcuffed for being "irate," even when they are treated like criminals. These folks have accepted the world telling them that our lives do not matter and that Black people should adjust and adapt to our lives not mattering in the world. They think survival entails accepting what we all expect, even though what we expect-- traumatic violence-- is something it is physiologically and psychologically impossible for a body to just accept.

Sure, it's complicated to get by in an unethical world. But there is still right and wrong. The first principle is that it is unethical for the world to rely on our death and brutalization. Frank Wilderson had a simple formulation for this in his book Red White and Black: Cinema and the Structure of U.S. Antagonisms: "Where there are slaves, it is unethical to be free." To be a "slave," in this case, can basically mean having a life that does not matter. Therefore, the first principle of ethics is resistance to a world that makes Black lives not matter. 

It is more complicated than that, but not that much more complicated. We don't have to be so obsessed with so-called "doing something" and so-called "being positive" that we go along with an unethical world just so we can "be positive" and "do something." Resisting the force elements of an antiblack world-- like the police who murder and brutalize us-- counts as an ethical way of being and doing in the world. Damaging the structures of multinational corporations that have shaped the neoliberal economy to routinely (and typically legally) rob our communities of resources for infrastructure, education, health care, social safety nets, and many other things so they can offshore the money through Mossack Fonseca and other high-end law firms -- resisting all that bullshit counts as an ethical way of being and doing in the world.

After all, the question "why do you respond violently to murder?" isn't a serious question; it's a delaying tactic. The real question is what level of force is it going to take to defend ourselves against genocide?



Most of the time, most of us lay our plans for survival on just cooperating with the structure that oppresses us. 

No. That jig is up. 

For all the pulling up of pants and signing of petitions and wearing of suits instead of hoodies and letter-writing campaigns and securing of promises from politicians and corporations, we are no closer to the freedom we are literally dying for. And when the terror and trauma revisit us, when there are high-ranking police officials saying they should actually be shooting us more, the people who push Black respectability as a cure to police violence have nothing they can say against the uprisings except "This is not the way."




Youths are replying, "What is the way, then?" And they are correct. If we have exhausted all nonviolent options, all options that don't disrupt, all options that don't burn and loot, all options that don't show the cops and the white supremacists (and the cops who are white supremacists or who wear its tattoos) that they can't just use us as target practice without catching some fire themselves -- what options are left? What do we expect to happen?


We have to stop denouncing those who don't comply, those who resist. 

I'm not saying we should walk around risking our lives. But, as always, it's going to take people who don't comply for us to get out of the kind of genocidal situation we find ourselves in. Until we make a society we can say "Yes!" to, it is enough to say "No!" to what we already know we cannot live with. And we cannot live with our dying, even if our resistance to our dying also means that we may die.

Yes, there is an uneasy tension between staying alive and resisting murderous oppression. It's not easy to find the right moments and locations and methods for resisting. And not all resistance looks the same. But we must resist the antiblack societies and world we live in, even if we don't have an immediate idea of what a society and world without antiblackness would look like. It is enough to acknowledge for now that we simply cannot live like this.