Saturday, May 9, 2015

One Righteous, Crazy Whiteboy

Today, May 9, is the birthday of John Brown (1800-1859), quite possibly my favorite whiteboy of all time. He led a failed slave rebellion at Harper's Ferry, Virginia, in 1859, and was captured, and hanged by the U.S. government. He had participated in several guerrilla wars against slaveholders and their forces, especially after they killed abolitionist Elijah P. Lovejoy. He believed he was charged by god to start a holy war to end slavery, and he dedicated his life to this effort. He ended up a martyr, but not before taking a whole bunch of slavers with him. In another parlance, he was a mujahid who was about his jihad. And we will never forget him.

I remember every grade school and high school teacher I ever had who covered the topic of John Brown's rebellion felt the need to hint in some way that Brown was mentally ill. I always found it interesting that they all said that, almost as though it was in some sort of script, but it never really phased me too much. I was like, "Shit, if 'crazy' is what it takes to do what he did, sign me the fuck up!" To me, the teachers and the school itself were mentally ill because they didn't see humans as humans if we are Black. They were always threatening the Black boys and girls with suspension or worse for the slightest things. At the time I was lucky enough to dodge such punitive teachers. Today, I might not have such luck. They might even have arrested me for "disobedience" and got me in that system that turns so many of us into slaves of the state. Don't get me wrong. I am a slave now, as are all us Black folks. But on the outside, I can fight a very different fight.

As I grew, I came to understand that the proper study of "crazy" is a forbidden art in the United States. "Crazy" is the province mostly of professional psychiatrists, who are like trained police, paid by insurance companies to medicate us into compliance or patch up the systemic contradictions that manifest as personal crises like psychic breakdowns, and to do it all in 10 sessions or less. Psychiatrists are a special brand of religious dogmatist who fortify their charges to "trust and obey" not a righteous god who moves and moves with something called history and justice, but, instead, the Order of Things. This field of study is designed to contain "crazy," keep it under wraps and safe for the masters of capitalism to continue their work of exploiting and enslaving. It limits the sparks of "crazy" to bourgeois arts and entertainment and otherwise the prison. The only other hope of an oppressive structure is to discipline people into distancing themselves from "crazy." Psychiatrists are supposed to be the end limits of that disciplining, when you can no longer resist your own resistance to the Order of Things. Instead of acting on that resistance, you are to seek them out so they can label it as "crazy"-- their word for sin.

It is possible, however, to engage with "crazy." It receives no sanction from the state and insurance companies. And it is more closely aligned with the arts and creative practices that are in an intimate and friendly dialog with the concerns of everyday people, folks who are antagonistic to the bourgeoisie and the antiblack power structure. It consists primarily of close and careful listening to one another without judgment or prescriptions, except to rest more, exercise, eat what your body needs, and to have fun. When medicine is needed, it is used, but it doesn't harness your pain to the economic profit motive. And to be healed is not to be without any paint, but to understand where one's pain is ultimately coming from, which means, partly, to be critical of the structure in which one was formed.

Healing requires, in the words of Fanon, "a change in the social structure," something that will inevitably change you, too. That is because every human is a "subject." A subject is not just how you identify yourself, but also how the structure you live in grows and makes you as a total person, including your body, voice, thought patterns, identity, and position within a social order that came before you and is massively bigger than your individual self in how it shapes the present order. Your subjectivity is not a prison, but it cannot be changed by changes in the way you act and dress and speak if other things don't change too. You have to change the social order that created you as it is creating you anew. You can't go there by yourself. You need collective action against a structure so massive it can crush you. The structure grounds our subjectivities. But, like our subjectivities, it contains cracks, breaks. And we have to be ready to build as we break. That takes a certain kind of crazy.

So maybe John Brown was that certain kind of "crazy" or at least conversant with it. Maybe you have to be a certain kind of "crazy" to do this, or at least in conversation with whatever lies beyond that horizon of what's "possible" or even thinkable. After all, ethics is only possible for those who are capable of great change, because, unlike straightforward moral rules, ethics must be figured out in the moment based on simple principles. To track a structure like the racial enslavement of Black people that is so old it no longer appears to be a temporary event but seems to be "the way it is" is to be a fish that sees the water it's swimming in. But we have to have that kind of insight to stare down and fight against a structure like slavery. It also takes the political imagination to see that something better than the narrow now is possible and to throw oneself into the fight to bring down the structure that oppresses, tortures, rapes, enslaves, and kills. And it requires the discipline to make oneself ready for how protracted a struggle that will be. It also requires the ethical compass to understand that struggling for what is right has a trajectory, a long arc toward a horizon one may never see but, through sustaining faith, knows is there. One has to be a certain kind of subject to be at peace with the certainty of change, the instability of the present, the likelihood that one will die, often violently, before seeing the outcome of one's most sincere jihad. In struggle, we need to develop these capacities. And it may well be that these capacities only exist without the chain of fear within a certain kind of crazy, a certain subjectivity. We would then need to go about cultivating and sustaining such subjectivities in each other and allowing each other to cultivate and sustain such subjectivities in ourselves. This is leadership.
Dangerfield Newby, one of John Brown's comrades, and the first of them to be martyred at Harper's Ferry, Va., on October 17, 1859

For a white man to arm Black people and fight side by side with them in the time he lived was remarkable, and a model to all allies whose sincerest desire is to free all people. To see through the gradualism of white pacifists and line up the U.S. institution of slavery in one's sites requires an incisive mind that is attuned to history. Seeing the ways that slavery operated in the United States as a network of connected nodes, each of which must be taken offline in order to induce a crisis at a critical moment in time requires a high level of political sophistication. This man right here is a benchmark for a "white ally." These fools today like Peggy McIntosh and Tim Wise who talk about symbolically surrendering their white skin privilege and symbolically putting down their "invisible knapsacks" of whiteness, they can miss me with that shit. Are you ready to kill or be killed rebelling against the enslavement that enables your very freedom?

John Brown, motherfuckers. One righteous, crazy whiteboy.

Saturday, May 2, 2015

Getting Real Justice: Why a Black Prosecutor Is Not Enough

"The lesson this teaches and which every Afro-American should ponder well, is that a Winchester rifle should have a place of honor in every black home, and it should be used for that protection which the law refuses to give. When the white man who is always the aggressor knows he runs as great a risk of biting the dust every time his Afro-American victim does, he will have greater respect for Afro-American life."--Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors, 1892
"How come...with the thousands of black cops in America...you ain't never picked up the paper, turned on the TV, or the news...and seen white folk crying...because this black cop...shot my loved one in the back of the head...cause he thought the cellphone was a gun. How come you don't see that?...You think black cops is...more spiritual? You think better qualified? Nah...They got enough sense to know that white folks ain't going to tolerate it...And the only reason they do to us what they do cause you tolerate it." -- Dick Gregory (sampled on Killer Mike track "Don't Die")

Ida B. Wells and Dick Gregory were both commenting on the relationship between power-- especially the power to kill-- and perception. White cops see Black people as a threat more often and shoot us down simply because they can. Nothing we can do can make us appear less threatening to them. Five hundred years of enslaving us has built into their subjectivities and institutional culture the sense that we are the sum total of all the threats to the society they defend and can be killed not only without remorse but with great congratulations and promotions (or, at least, given paid leave). Targeting us and pulling the trigger is something they regularly train to do, and, indeed, some were recently caught using actual mugshots of Black men as targets at the shooting range. The fact that the police aren't worried about Black people's responses to their violence against us actually works within their unconscious minds to not make them feel that they need to approach our pain with the same level of care and urgency that they have for whites. And it will require force for us to change this. Nonviolence is not enough by itself, though lots of us Black folks seem ready to trust elected officials of the state to resolve it nonviolently now that we see Black people at the heads of state offices like Mayor of Baltimore (Stephanie Rawlings-Blake) and, of course, President of the United States.


And so it was that many people paused yesterday when Maryland State Attorney for Baltimore Marilyn Mosby announced that she will prosecute six Baltimore police officers for their involvement in the death of Freddie Gray while in custody. 
I heard your call for “no justice, no peace.” Your peace is sincerely needed as I work to deliver justice on behalf of this young man.
The most serious of the charges is second-degree depraved heart murder, a charge that carries a potential 30-year sentence. Many Black folks, even some radical and progressive Black leaders, are celebrating Mosby for her courage, and the local Fraternal Order of Police lodge has condemned Mosby's decision. So everyone's happy, and those who aren't happy are assholes anyway. It seems that the law is finally looking out for us Black folks now that we are part of the state and its leadership. We just have to wait, and Marilyn will deliver.

Now, let's just be real for a minute: Charges don't mean shit about justice. There is nothing worth celebrating. We've seen this before, and we know that actual justice will require us to fight against the police and people like the state's attorney. It won't come through their performance of justice for us, although they will most certainly try to make us believe that it is the best they can do.


In the first place, it's very rare that charges against police acting in the line of duty win convictions. To prove murder-- even depraved heart murder-- you have to have witnesses or other evidence that cannot be easily controverted. Kevin Moore, who filmed cell phone video of police arresting Freddie Gray, is presently in police custody, although it is unclear why. And the only footage it appears that Moore was able to get was the police dragging Gray to the police van while Gray screamed in pain. The police will argue that the injuries that put him in that state were part of the normal course of everyday police activity, as they did in the case of Eric Garner's killer (Daniel Pantaleo) and in the case of the beating of Rodney King and pretty much every incident involving Black people getting beaten and killed by police.

The police are one big gang. They don't just wear similar looking uniforms, drive similar-looking cars, and loan each other equipment and humanpower to help suppress uprisings. They speak up for each other and stay silent for each other, and they maintain this code nationwide with astonishing levels of discipline. Whistleblower Officer Pedro Serrano and others reveal how openly the police behind closed doors refer to their role as one of harassing Black men and boys, harassment that often results in deadly shootings, and to the planting and falsification of evidence as "standard operating procedure." Researcher Sylvia Wynter reported that Los Angeles police in the 1990s were fond of using the incident code NHI-- "no humans involved"-- for incidents involving African Americans. These police practices are used to lock up Black people for decades and to justify killing us. And we know that it gets even worse, with Homan Square, the Chicago PD's very own black site for interrogation and torture, former Chicago police detective John Burge, who tortured hundreds of Black men and is now not only out of prison after a brief stint but is actually drawing a pension, Daniel Holtzclaw, the Tulsa police officer who was a serial rapist of Black women, and reserve deputy Robert Bates, a retired insurance executive who apparently paid Tulsa police handsomely so he could live the thrill of chasing down and shooting Black men, like Eric Harris, whom he killed on April 2 while telling him "Fuck your breath" as Harris breathed his last.

Unfortunately, the police are also the only other witnesses to Freddie Gray's last breaths in that van. Even though the police story, promulgated through a witness who claims he heard Freddie Gray bumping around in the van, that Gray severed his own spine is ridiculous and defies simple logic (severing your own spine even partially is enough to paralyze you, and the very nature of spinal injuries is to make you lose control of your body, so you couldn't do all of that to yourself), it is so far the only story that has witnesses whom the courts are pretty much going to believe. Unless some other, hidden witnesses come forward or somebody heard an officer admit to intentionally acting with disregard to the life of Freddie Gray, no charges will stick for Officer Caesar Goodson and his five cronies because the evidence isn't there to meet the burden of proving murder beyond a "reasonable" doubt.  The prosecutor has to prove that Goodson, the driver of the van, had a "depraved heart" as he accelerated, decelerated, and turned, knocking Gray around in the van, that he was indifferent to what was happening to Gray. Police Chief Anthony Batts has already admitted that the officers violated departmental policy when they failed to buckle him in, but their spin machine has already gotten an excuse for that out there-- that they know they did wrong and it sometimes happens. The police don't even have to present their own counter explanation. Their defense attorneys will just have to prove that it is reasonable to doubt the prosecutor's explanation of events.

But every legal and extralegal technicality that can be used to protect cops will be used to protect cops. The only question is at what level of the process it will occur. If the police are unable to squash it, and the prosecutor has bypassed a grand jury (which, along with extremely biased prosecution, squashed chances for justice in the police killing of Mike Brown), there are still any number of ways. Rekia Boyd was an innocent bystander to a confrontation between a young Black man and Dante Servin, an off-duty Chicago police officer who pulled out a gun and fired into a crowd, killing Boyd instantly. Ten days ago, Judge Dennis Porter dismissed the case against Servin, calling Servin's actions "beyond reckless" so that the charges of involuntary manslaughter didn't apply. And so ended the hopes of Rekia Boyd's family members of getting personal justice for her. It ain't hard to see the game is rigged: The prosecutor under-charges, the judge throws out the case, the police botch the investigation into themselves.

No Ethical Authority
What is much more important is that Freddie Gray is dead from a force so violent that it broke his neck, and the people know it was the police who killed him. At the level of our basic affects, we don't trust the police. We know something about "rough rides" or "nickel rides." HBO drama The Wire depicted them almost humorously, reaffirming old stereotypes of Black men who are insensate to pain, despite their vocal complaints. Philadelphia police paid out $490,000 in 2014 to James McKenna for intentionally injuring him during a 2011 "nickel ride," and has paid millions more for paralyzing spinal injuries to others in recent years. As one commentator points out, the "nickel ride" is so common that it even has several names within the violent culture of police.

We should not be relying on Maryland's Marilyn Mosby to get justice for the murder of Freddie Gray any more than we should have relied on Missouri's Bob McCulloch to get justice for the murder of Mike Brown. Both Mosby and McCulloch are Democrats, and both of them are children (and in Mosby's case, a grandchild and niece) of police officers. The hope that we put in the U.S. justice system to give us justice is surprising, a sign more of our desperation for the flavor of the real thing if we can't actually make the real thing ourselves. But it is worth remembering that, as Black liberation theorist Dhoruba bin Wahad says, "the European nation-state, and America in particular, given the racist nature of its evolution has absolutely no right whatsoever to act as a surrogate executer of justice for people of color." Not only will they always tend to pursue "justice" in ways that preserve their position as legitimate authorities-- in other words, they will tend to botch it-- but in the sight of Black people, the justice system has never really had any ethical authority in the first place. Our reliance on our killers to dole out justice to those acting on its behalf can only ever bring a facsimile of justice, the hollow expression of a desire for a certain performance proving to us that our lives do actually matter, as though we really needed such an acknowledgement from our primary genociders.

As with the Presidency of the United States and the mayorship of Baltimore, people act like position of State's Attorney for Baltimore is like a BMW. Somebody's gotta drive it, it might as well be somebody Black, and we Black folks are proud to see one of us representing in something usually reserved for white folks. I understand that sentiment, but I still say that we should not be proud to have a Black mayor and a Black prosecutor when they are part of that genocidal structure. People who think otherwise have a serious deficit in their theory of what the state is. The state is not the shiny car you've always envied the white boys for having and that you could only hope to get second hand, and when you get a nice new one of your own you're really proud and feel really powerful. That ain't it. The state was founded on your physical and social death (genocide and slavery). And, through things like the police, prison/jail system, and military that targets people who look like you, it remains that deathly apparatus for Black people, even when Black people are heading it. The U.S. state-- and perhaps the modern nation-state in general-- don't know themselves if they are not targeting, assaulting, capturing, and murdering Black bodies. So if the state is a car, us Black folks are the fuel it burns and exhausts out, the roads over which it speeds. And it remains that even if a Black woman is driving.

The police, when not acting in their primary function as the repressive killer elite of the state, work for and with the courts as trained liars. Their apparent role of protecting and serving the people is something one could only believe in if one wasn't listening to Black and Native peoples. In our communities, the police act as an occupying force that claims to have the mission of protect and serve but acts on the mission of search and destroy. They invaded Kathryn Johnston's Atlanta home and Kenneth Chamberlain's White Plains, New York, home and killed both of these senior citizens. They hunted Ramarley Graham to his grandmother's house and shot him. They shot down Julian Alexander right outside of his Anaheim home where he grabbed a broom handle and sought to protect his wife and child from what he thought were burglars. They arrested Anna Brown of St. Louis as she sought help in a hospital for severe leg pain and ended up aggravating the blood clot in her legs that killed her. All of these happened in different locales, but all took on the same pattern in which police officers acting in their capacity as police perceive Black bodies and see something they ought to be targeting, capturing, shooting, restraining, or (when we need help) ignoring.


My friend works at a homeless shelter in East Oakland. East Oakland is a predominantly Black and Latino section of the city. A few months back, a woman residing at the shelter was kidnapped from the shelter in the middle of the day. In the process, the kidnappers exchanged gunfire with someone near the shelter. Shell casings were strewn across the parking lot. My friend said that staff called the police repeatedly, and the police had not arrived 12 hours later. Staff had to bag the shell casings themselves so that people could drive into the parking lot without crushing the shell casings under their tires. The police arrived more than a day after the shooting happened. And, to my knowledge, it never made the news.

How can we form a society together when white people shoot our unarmed youths down like dogs with impunity? 

How can we form a society together when white people fill the air up with mourning for their deaths while people hardly hear about our deaths and they aren't mourned when we do hear about them?

How can we form a society together with those charged to "protect and serve" killing us?

We can see it from here. We connect the dots. If people cannot feel empathy for us, we cannot form a society together. And honestly, we do not form a society with them.

White folks really don't understand that this violence toward us is structural, not just individual, even (perhaps especially) when they say that they do, when they say, "I get it, but you're not the only ones who get treated this way, Black people" or "All Lives Matter." They will cite individual instances of personal injustice or affront they experienced at the hands of police. These anecdotes fly in the face of evidence that shows that in some places we Black folks are 10 times more likely than white people to be incarcerated for marijuana use, even though all races use marijuana at the same rate, and it flies in the face of evidence that shows that our youths are 21 times more likely than white youths to get killed by police. But none of this disputes the structurally antiblack nature of the police, borne out of their long history as the slave patrols. It doesn't matter that the police treat certain white people the way they treat Black people. The police state targets Black folks so much, it gets accustomed to treating all inmates as Black. It's so easy for officers to go into the default mode of targeting, profiling, beating, and killing Black people that sometimes the police state beats up the people it was really meant "to protect and serve," white women.


A Predisposition to Punish
Let's look at some examples. In  Skokie, Illinois, a suburb of Chicago, pigs pushed a white woman, Cassandra Feuerstein into a holding cell, causing her to fall face first into a cement bench. The damage to her skull was so bad it required facial reconstructive surgery. Watch the video so you can compare.

But the police state never stopped beating up Black people. It has a permanent antagonism toward Black people that does not let up for an instant. So even if it expands at times to beat up on white women, nothing changed for Black people. It doesn't make white women more Black or Black people less Black. In fact, white people in general are the police in relation to Black people. The double standard relating to how to police treat them, even during riot situations, is apparent to anyone who is willing to witness it.

Even in attacking a white woman, the police state checks itself, and if you watch the video of the Skokie incident, you can see it. The agents of the state can severely injure this white woman, but they can't go all the way. The state backs off immediately and does no further harm. It hears her screams of pain and feels them as its own. Notice the way the pigs immediately attend to her injuries. Even notice the way the article framing her case doesn't feel the need to mention the charges leading to her arrest. Somehow, people can see a white woman getting abused in jail without feeling the impulsive need to ask "Well, what did she do?" before they can feel for her.



Now, compare that to the death of Anna Brown, 29, a Black woman just over four hours down the road in St. Louis, Missouri. Around 11am on September 20, 2011, Brown, who had been homeless since losing her house in a tornado less than a year before, complained of swollen and painful ankles and entered three different hospitals seeking care. She was actually suffering from a blood clot in her legs, but doctors repeatedly failed to detect the blood clot and discharged her. Doctors examined her three times over the next 24 hours, and released her. After being discharged from the St. Mary's Hospital Emergency Room in Richmond Heights, a suburb of St. Louis, Brown sat in the lobby in a wheelchair and said that she was still in pain and refused to leave until the pain was treated.

The hospital staff called security, and security officer Steve Schaffer called Richmond Heights police, charging Brown with trespassing. Richmond Heights police told Brown to walk and then forced her out of the wheelchair, causing her to fall on her face on the hospital floor. At that time, the police and hospital concluded that she needed another minor examination, but the hospital discharged her again two hours later, and the police forced her out of the hospital to the police car.

Upon arriving at the jail parking lot, Richmond Heights police officer Jason Tharp then dragged Brown from the car and other officers joined in dragging her to the jail cell where they left her on the floor screaming. The blood clot in her leg migrated up to her lungs and killed her as she lay on the floor. After she died, a police officer told fire chief Kerry Hogan that he and the hospital workers "thought she was a drug seeker," to which the fire chief replied, "Well, that could very well be." This is all recorded on closed circuit television (CCTV) obtained by the local newspaper.

So, on one hand, the white woman in Skokie was already under arrest and got thrown into the jail cell by those who are supposed "to protect and serve" white women. When it became apparent that she had been injured, the white woman was immediately surrounded by police officers not forcing her to get up and telling her she wasn't feeling what she was feeling, but actually tending to her needs. Having initially defaulted to their usual assault mode, the officers self corrected to protecting and serving this white woman from themselves. Her screams were heard. Her pain was acknowledged. And the state bent from its customary role as an abuser of Black bodies-- or those blackened by being in such close proximity with Black bodies-- to a caretaker role.




On the other hand, before Brown even got arrested-- in fact, when she was still in the hospital, the space where she was supposed to get treated-- hospital workers had already branded her as a "drug seeker," someone who was just seeking a place to sleep for a few nights. In other words, being surrounded not by police with guns, cuffs, and tasers on their belts but by medical professionals, those whose first charge is to "do no harm," she was still treated as a criminal and thrown to the whims of gratuitous state force. Before the actual police had even been called, the guiding principle in the minds of those charged with her treatment was that she was probably lying about her pain in order to get a drug fix and was therefore a threat to be removed, even with force.

Depraved Hearts
We can look at this situation and see the whole problem with what Black people face in racist America. Let's notice a couple of things. In the first place, the police are not just the "boys in blue." As Frank Wilderson says, "White people are the police." Not only in political society-- the state apparatus-- but also in civil society-- in this case, hospitals-- policing is an imperative that follows Black people everywhere and situates others as white in relation to us. Historically, Wilderson points out, all white people were deputized to police all Black people. And to this day, Black people are available to be policed in any place and for any reason, and all white and nonblack people are deputized to do it. (Tharp was promoted to Senior Patrol Officer six months after he dragged Anna Brown from his squad car to the jail cell, and hospital staff stood by and watched it happen to her. Remember, this is a woman who is screaming in pain that her legs hurt, and he dragged her legs along the ground.) And when there are not enough nonblack people available to do it, a class of Black people, called the Black bourgeoisie (police officers, military personnel,  social workers, ministers, corporate types, teachers, professors, etc.), is deputized to police the masses of Black poor folks.

In the second place, the Black body does not get an empathetic response. Our pain is greeted with disbelief when heard and generally is not heard. One of the best friends from my childhood, a white man, greeted the video of officer Johannes Mehserle shooting unarmed passenger Oscar Grant in the back by saying, "Well, what had he done?" and "Look! He's squirming. That's resisting arrest." (And, of course, Black people buy into the same shit. One Black woman I met in the academy, hearing about Professor Henry Louis Gates getting arrested for breaking and entering into his own home, asked, "Well, what did he do?")

In struggle, we need a theory of what the state is so that we know what to do with it, so that we know why it is not enough to have more Black people in it or even leading its local state's attorney office. But we don't need to look much further than what we can already see in plain sight. The state is not formulated to protect Black people. It does not always exist to destroy us, although it always reserves that right. But it is indifferent to Black suffering. The cessation of our pain and precarious existence does not shape the state's actions, and the state will not stop doing what it does just because Black people say, "Ouch, that hurts." 

If the charges of "depraved heart" were going to apply anywhere, they would have to apply to the whole of america itself. This isn't just true of the state. The same is true of all the other non-state institutions-- collectively known as civil society-- that include educational institutions, hospitals, sports teams, churches, the media, and many others. Civil society defines itself in opposition to Black folks. That is why efforts to expand civil society tend to happen at the expense of Black people. Indeed, it is no accident that, over the last 300 years, the traditional social lubricants of modern bourgeois civil society--- coffee, tea, tobacco, sugar, chocolate, rum-- were slave crops grown in the African diaspora, Africa, the Caribbean, and south Asia, just as the social lubricants of contemporary civil society-- smartphones, tablets, computers, and other tools of social media-- require Black death (including slave-mined coltan from Congo to create them and toxic cadmium dumping in places like Agbogbloshie, Ghana, to dispose of them) in the form of Congolese miners forced to work. Today, two of the harbingers of gentrification-- displacement of Black residents from the urban places we call home-- are coffee shops and the artists' lofts. Even in professional football, a sporting event that brings more people together than any other sport in the USA, Black players are given less time to recover from injuries than are white players.




The quintessential building block of community-- the neighbor or community member-- is a category that refuses Black people, even when Black people are actually neighbors. Consider, for example, Glenda Moore, a Black resident of Staten Island. When Hurricane Sandy washed her SUV away with her two sons, age 2 and 4, she bravely went door to door seeking help from nearby residents to rescue her sons, but none would help her. As her cousin described it, ‘The first person she knocked on, she begged the"m and said: “Please call 911”.‘They told her: “I don’t know you” and closed the door. She tried another door but they turned the lights off. The 5' 3 woman was perceived to be enough of a threat that fellow Staten Islanders wouldn't even call 911 to help her.

Near Orlando, Florida, when Tonya Thomas began shooting her own children, some of her children fled to a next-door neighbor's doorstep and began knocking desperately to be let in. Her neighbors refused to help the children. The children returned to their home and were killed by Thomas who then also killed herself.

Freddie Gray grew up in a West Baltimore neighborhood that was known for high rates of childhood lead poisoning, and in his infancy he was known to suffer the effects of lead poisoning at levels more than seven times the level that legally requires state monitoring. He didn't live far from neighborhoods in Baltimore where Johns Hopkins University tested the effects of lead poisoning on Black children by deliberately placing low-income Black families with young children in homes known to contain lead hazards.

State and civil society, then, are structurally antiblack. It is not enough for progressives to think they can take them over and try to steer them away from doing antiblack things. The state and civil society are antiblack in themselves, not just in their practices. The state would not recognize itself as a state if it were acting for Black people, on our behalf, motivated by our interests. Civil society would not recognize itself as civil society if it were for Black people.

There is no basis for believing that the police or the court system for which they work will ever get us justice because our justice is more than just personal. No Black state's attorney will actualize that kind of justice so long as she draws her paycheck and political capital from the structure that is antagonistic to that form of justice. Our justice requires that we end the structural relationship they have to us, a structural relationship of genocide. And that requires that we build things forceful enough to do that. It requires that we cultivate fighting formations, people's armies, and study how best to use them for freedom struggle.

Forming Fighting Formations
I have been reading Ida B. Wells' Mob Rule in New Orleans and William Ivy Hair's Carnival of Fury, both about a Black man named Robert Charles. Charles was born in 1865 in Copiah County, Mississippi. He most likely watched his father and older male relatives gain their rights to vote when the 15th Amendment was passed, and then lose their rights to vote after the federal troops withdrew and white racists terrorized Blacks out of voting. Despite growing up at the height of racist repression, he became an outspoken advocate of Black people returning to Africa, and he handed out the literature of Reverend Henry McNeal Turner, an early Pan-Africanist. He was likely familiar with the gruesome lynching and dismemberment of Sam Hose, a laborer in Georgia who stood up to his employer. In 1892, Charles and his brother walked fully armed into Rolling Fork, Mississippi, got into a gunfight with a white man, and took back a pistol he had taken from them. In New Orleans on July 23, 1900, as Charles was visiting his girlfriend, some white policemen stopped him. In the resulting confrontation, Charles shot and injured one policeman with his pistol and was shot in the leg. Escaping to his room, he treated his leg wound and retrieved a Winchester rifle and a small metal device he used to make his own bullets. Over the next few days, as he took shelter first in his room and then in a friend’s house, he shot 27 white people who were coming to kill him. He killed 7, including 4 police, before he was killed and his body torn apart by white mobs. In the riots that followed, white mobs murdered and injured many African American residents of New Orleans. 


Robert Charles is considered an example of what Russell Shoats, in his essay "Black Fighting Formations," calls the “free shooter” model of resistance, in which a small number of well-armed individuals terrorizes and immobilizes the more powerful oppressor population and escapes into a small network of safe houses, even when she or he does not have access to a larger fighting formation (like a cell or a guerrilla army). More recent examples include Christopher Dorner, who reported seeing so much racist abuse in his time as a police officer that he published a manifesto and then took up arms against the state and shut down southern California for a week. Lovelle Mixon, tired of the abuses he saw from Oakland police, took out four of them, including two SWAT pigs, within a matter of hours.  Black folks have long had a strained relationship with the police in our communities, especially when forces like COINTELPRO, RICO, STEP, and the PATRIOT act are designed to prevent us from forming groups of freedom fighters. But we can still find ways of getting justice.



Of course, this means that when we do have a large fighting formation, the structure finds itself infinitely more threatened than it is by the occasional free shooter and puts all its efforts into pre-empting, preventing, discrediting, and destroying certain political blocs from forming. 
Gang truces, like the kinds Fred Hampton was negotiating and the kind the Blood, Crips, and other gangs are negotiating now, are a really big problem for the racist structure to handle because they aren't just political formations. They are politicized military formations between Black radical political intellectuals and the growing Black masses who have already proven willing to evade, resist, and even attack the state. And when we are not too blinded with obsession for becoming part of the state and civil society that are killing us, and we see these formations start to form, it inspires more resistance. Indeed, as Frantz Fanon said,
In order to maintain their stamina and their revolutionary capabilities, the people also resort to retelling certain episodes in the life of the community. The outlaw, for example, who holds the countryside for days against the police, hot on his trail, or who succumbs after killing four or five police officers in single- handed combat or who commits suicide rather than 'give up' his accomplices, all constitute for the people role models, action schemas, and 'heroes.' And there is no point, obviously, in saying that such a hero is a thief, a thug, or a degenerate. If the act for which this man is prosecuted by the colonial authorities is an act exclusively directed against a colonial individual or colonial asset, then the demarcation line is clear and manifest. The process of identification is automatic. (Wretched of the Earth, 11)

Friday, March 13, 2015

The Problem of Black Lives Mattering



New article on how structural racism works to make Black lives not matter, published in Slingshot magazine by Omar Ricks:

The Problem of Black Lives Mattering


THE PROBLEM OF BLACK LIVES MATTERING


“How come with the thousands of black cops in America you ain’t never picked up the paper, turned on the TV, or the news and seen white folk crying because this black cop shot my loved one in the back of the head cause he thought the cellphone was a gun. How come you don’t see that? You think black cops is more spiritual? You think better qualified? Nah. They got enough sense to know that white folks ain’t going to tolerate it. And the only reason they do to us what they do cause you tolerate it.” -Dick Gregory
By Omar Ricks, Ph.D.
Sometimes, different people can independently arrive at the same conclusion. I didn’t start and haven’t been affiliated with the Black Lives Matter Movement, but I respect their analysis of the problem and their desire to end it. Around the same time as #BLM was starting, I, like many other people, was thinking along the same lines about what the fundamental problem was behind seemingly rampant police murders of Black people. And for once, I didn’t feel alone in centering the problem of what Black life means. If Black life doesn’t mean anything, the USA would be a genocidal slave state in which the killing and punishment of Black people is meted out and widely considered acceptable, regardless of guilt or innocence, gender, socioeconomic status, or other factors. And that’s exactly what it is.
#BLM (Black Lives Matter) is a grassroots coalition-based social movement started in the United States by Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi in the wake of several unpunished (or lightly punished) incidents of police killing unarmed Black people, including the killing of Oscar Grant and Kenneth Harding in Oakland, as well as Trayvon Martin, Eric Garner, Renisha McBride, and Michael Brown. While it consists of people with diverse viewpoints and tactics, the movement’s central aim is to oppose the systematic normalization of Black people’s deaths, which makes violence against Black people more likely and more acceptable. #BLM began as a social media movement, but has quickly become an on-the-ground social movement with many different actors and organizations that aren’t necessarily connected as one organization but have the same general aims.
Actions and policies of the state result in the disproportionate killing, injuring, and incarceration of Black people, but the struggle for Black life to matter is not just about opposing policing practices against Black men and boys. It is also about how domestic abuse victim Marissa Alexander was not allowed to defend herself against her abusive husband under the same “stand your ground” defense in Florida law that George Zimmerman used to get exonerated in the killing of Trayvon Martin. It is also about how Black transwoman Cece McDonald was prosecuted and convicted for defending herself against a hostile and racist group of white youths in Minneapolis. It is also about how broader political practices, like the mass disenfranchisement of Florida and Ohio Black voters, the shutting down of water services to Detroit residents, and the anemic federal response to Hurricane Katrina in 2005, show a remarkable disregard for Black lives.
Because the nature of racism is not just prejudice but also the power to enforce prejudice, these problems cannot be addressed individually, by punishing or educating those who commit violence against Black people without justification. It’s too big a problem. The conservative Wall Street Journal reported that in 2011 NYPD had more stops of young Black men in Manhattan than there are young Black men in Manhattan. And at least one former NYPD police officer has stepped forward to say that he was specifically ordered to stop young Black males at every opportunity. But he is just one officer, and NYPD just one department. Police officers everywhere have broad latitude to stop anyone they suspect may be involved in a crime and use that latitude to systematically target Black and Latino men and boys. The problem is deeper than any one department and its “stop-and-frisk” policies.
For one thing, it’s everywhere, not just New York. One report described anti-black racism as “baked into” police practices. “The root of the problem,” says #BLM co-founder Alicia Garza, “is anti-black racism.” In other words, there is a unique, deeply ingrained, and pervasive kind of racism that American society at large feels toward Black people that goes a long way toward explaining these disparities as well as many others.
And so when I wrote a correspondence for The Feminist Wire from the Democratic National Convention in 2012, there was no question that there was a problem. But as I watched the events around me, I was so disgusted by the lack of conversation among so-called leaders representing largely Afro-descended constituencies that were then and are today being disproportionately murdered without any discernible sense of national outrage or demand for major action to address the problem, that I became convinced those leaders were part of that problem. I ended my article saying the following:
And if electoral democracy holds out no better promise than this, then there are few options that remain aside from those that Assata Shakur and George Jackson recommended. And so it was that at the Blackest convention in some time, I watched Black leaders repeatedly miss a real opportunity to assert directly and publicly that Black life matters. Middle class or not. Employed or not. Black life matters. Even raising it as a matter of discussion, apparently, is too much to ask. But I will say it again and again—our lives do matter. It is not too much to ask. And we will not be asking always.
I was hoping (against hope!) that leaders who purported to represent my interests in Washington would make a full accounting of the fact that I want to live and that that desire means something. Instead of more discussion about how to expand and enrich the ever-shrinking Black middle class and further privatize public education and other public services, I wanted an acknowledgment that segregated spaces like those where the majority of Black people live in Detroit, East Oakland, East St. Louis, and South Side Chicago were hazards for Black health, where we were being starved of things like healthy food, potable water, a living wage, enriching education and child care, and health care. I wanted an acknowledgment that, in essence, the ghetto itself is violence against the people who live there. If something like 500 people who look like me were victims of homicide in the city of Chicago alone that year, the so-called leaders who wanted my vote — especially those hailing from Chicago — would apply all their powers to center a conversation about this horrific problem in the political discourse, addressing questions of why this was happening, especially how it related to the ongoing structural inequalities of inter-generational poverty and anti-blackness shared by victim and killer alike, and what a solution might look like that rightly targeted the systems that created and re-created these structures of power. (If your life doesn’t matter to the society, how can it matter to the people who live on your block?) If a report uncovered the fact that at least every 28 hours, a Black person was killed by law enforcement, security forces, or vigilantes in the United States, I wanted everyone in attendance at DNC to be aware of this report and push it to the middle of the conversations at the convention.
Of course, I knew this conversation could not reach its fullest expression in the asphyxiated political discourse of the electoral arena — and the especially constricted discourse the racist power structure affords Black elected officials — and that it would require movements that impact those structures in revolutionary ways. I guess I was hoping for an ethical leadership that would speak truth (regardless of whether it got to keep a posh Washington job) in the service of Black folks and the fundamentally ethical and very long Black Freedom Struggle. Unfortunately, and predictably, the inescapable conclusion was that Black existence did not matter enough for people with the reins of institutional power to risk losing their tenuous grip on that power.
So I spoke about something that I knew. It was something ringing in my ears from conversations I had been having with colleagues, all of whom were reading things like Frantz Fanon’s Black Skin, White Masks, Saidiya V. Hartman’s Scenes of Subjection, Hortense J. Spillers’ “Mama’s Baby, Papa’s Maybe: An American Grammar Book,” and Frank B. Wilderson’s Red, White, and Black. The problem wasn’t fundamentally one of changing practices. It was a problem of changing meaning. What does blackness mean to America? There are not-so-subtle hints everywhere.

  • Black people make up approximately 12 percent of the US population, but constitute more than 40 percent of the prison population.
  • White Americans use illegal drugs at rates that are comparable to, or well in excess of, the rates at which Black Americans use illegal drugs, but Black Americans are incarcerated for drug offenses 10 times more.
  • In 2012, a Black American was killed by police and security forces at least once every 28 hours. According to another report, “black teens were 21 times more likely to be shot dead [by police] than their white counterparts.”
The problem is not just that a de facto police state is ready to descend on Black people at any time, but also, more broadly, that the entire population of African Americans is perceived by the broader society (1) as a potential threat and (2) as unworthy of being listened to when we protest through legal, institutional, or other means. This problem must be viewed as a systemic one, not just an individual or institutional one, and it must be addressed on multiple levels, including not only institutionally or interpersonally but especially in our unconscious thought, the deeply ingrained thought processes that are reflected by our actions before we even have the opportunity to think. Before we can change our thinking to make Black lives matter, we must truly understand that the problem of Black lives not mattering is a problem of meaning that isn’t just individual or institutional but structural. It is rooted in what America is.
America needs Black lives to not matter. Due to centuries of negative images and stereotypes about Africans and racial blackness, in the collective psyches of the United States, throughout the Americas, and across the world blackness means, as Fanon said, “the lower emotions, the baser inclinations, the dark side of the soul.” A field of study within cognitive psychology known as implicit cognition (or implicit bias) finds quantifiable evidence of what Black people have been knowing for better than 1,000 years (had anyone with power bothered to listen): that deeply rooted negative attitudes toward people of African descent are held widely across the American population, even among those who claim to be non racist, even when other possible causes for these attitudes (like socioeconomic class or education level) are taken into consideration—and these attitudes tend to increase people’s willingness to use violence (interpersonal, institutional, or state) and punishment against Black people.

  • One recent quantitative study from Stanford, titled “Not Yet Human,” shows that people of African descent are commonly associated with apes at an unconscious level of mental processing. According to the study: ”this Black–ape association alters visual perception and attention, and it increases endorsement of violence against Black suspects. In an archival study of actual criminal cases, the authors show that news articles written about Blacks who are convicted of capital crimes are more likely to contain ape-relevant language than news articles written about white convicts. Moreover, those who are implicitly portrayed as more apelike in these articles are more likely to be executed by the state than those who are not.” This finding agrees with the earlier work of Stanford literature professor Sylvia Wynter, who found that police in Los Angeles in the 1980s and early 1990s commonly used the incident code “NHI” — meaning “no humans involved” — for incidents involving African Americans. While many people acknowledge this police code to have been racist, the Stanford quantitative study shows that even people who don’t think themselves racist have the same thoughts.
  • Other studies show that children of African descent are believed to be older, more mature, and less innocent than their white counterparts are, something that might explain why teachers suspend African American preschoolers at triple the rate of white preschoolers and why police and prosecutors are more likely to charge African American youths with harsher crimes or in adult court than they are in cases involving non Black youths. It might also explain why 12-year-old youth Tamir Rice was shot dead by police at a playground in Cleveland, Ohio, while holding a toy gun, whereas white youths are free to regularly play with toy guns in their neighborhoods.
  • Another set of studies (“shooter bias” studies) shows that Black males holding cell phones are, on quick glance, believed to be holding guns, while white males are believed to be holding cell phones. These studies also found that people would be quicker to shoot and slower to holster their weapons when faced with a Black male who might be holding a cell phone or a gun, compared with a white male in the same position. These studies might explain why plainclothes police shot unarmed immigrant Amadou Diallo after he reached for his wallet, presumably thinking the officers wanted to see his identification or were trying to rob him.
  • Still other studies have shown that a stereotypically-named hypothetical Black defendant will receive a higher rate of conviction and harsher degree of punishment for the same crime than will a stereotypically-named hypothetical white defendant, even when identical evidence is presented.
  • A hypothetical job applicant with an African-American-sounding name is less likely to receive further consideration when a hypothetical job applicant with a white-sounding name is granted further consideration, even when both have the exact same resume except for the name at the top. An applicant for housing or mortgage will be similarly screened based on assumptions about whether they are Black or not, thereby shaping geographic segregation patterns.
  • African-American employees are more likely to be evaluated poorly by employers than are white employees.
  • Black NFL players are required to return from injury sooner than their white counterparts with the same injury. Other studies show that the medical profession is slower to give aggressive treatment to African Americans and less sensitive to the pain of African American patients.
Regardless of whether one stands on the side of addressing the problem, like the founders of #BLM, describing the problem, like researchers at Stanford, or even denying the problem or defending police murders of Black people, the central problem is not a swirling morass of practices to be altered. It is a structure. These problems of anti-black racism are not simply problems of individual or institutional practice or prejudice because they are repeated across widely disparate individuals and institutions with the same independent results. The psyche of anti-black racism is not individual or institutional. Both the psyche and the institution are networked together as part of one dynamic, fluid, and massive structure. The psyche, like the institution, is a structure. The problems of Black life mattering are hence fundamentally problems of structural power. Keith Lawrence and Terry Keleher’s 2004 essay “Structural Racism” is helpful on this count:
Structural Racism encompasses the entire system of white supremacy, diffused and infused in all aspects of society, including our history, culture, politics, economics and our entire social fabric. Structural Racism is the most profound and pervasive form of racism – all other forms of racism (e.g. institutional, interpersonal, internalized, etc.) emerge from structural racism… 
The key indicators of structural racism are inequalities in power, access, opportunities, treatment, and policy impacts and outcomes, whether they are intentional or not. Structural racism is more difficult to locate in a particular institution because it involves the reinforcing effects of multiple institutions and cultural norms, past and present, continually producing new, and re-producing old forms of racism.
The problem of Black life mattering extends to unconscious levels of thinking and is not only deeply rooted, but also widely diffused and reinforced through multiple networks of power. It is therefore quite challenging to uproot without a massive change in the social structure that abolishes the ways that both personal and institutional practice, as well as individual and social frames of meaning, are tethered to the genocidal slave empire of the modern world, the United States. If we only think about the practice of prejudice without centering the ways that all racism derives from structural racism – what I call anti-blackness – we will be at pains to explain why there is so deep a reserve of animosity that can result in normalized violence toward Black people and why the mass loss of Black life does not constitute a national emergency or a cause for widespread grief. True dedication to the principle that Black lives matter will require a revolution using all means necessary to end the structure of anti-blackness.

Tuesday, December 3, 2013

from a black artist to an agent in a time of obama, africom, oprah, renisha mcbride, and mass incarceration

Before I can write
fiction
based on
what I've seen,
ima need to write essays
about what I already have seen
I sit down
to write a story
that could
have been
and I get distracted
by the cloud
of memories
of what was
My past
perfect keeps pummelling
my subjunctive.
Cuz a whole lot
of what I've seen
don't make no
damn sense


Copyright 2013 by Omar Ricks

Monday, December 2, 2013

What Is "Black Privilege"?

by Omar Ricks and Gregory Caldwell

We sometimes hear people asking, "If there's white privilege, isn't there also black privilege?"

Here is the short answer: NO. There's no such thing as "black privilege" in an antiblack world. Don't believe anybody who tells you there is. 

Privilege is some kind of benefit you get for belonging. So, when you look at the world, what would "black privilege" even mean anyway? Getting killed by the police every 28 hours? Getting incarcerated disproportionately for the same crimes that everybody else commits? Being the one group that no one wants to live around or hire? You might see a few Black individuals who are privileged, but it's not because they are Black. Again, there's no such thing as "black privilege."

That's really all there is to it. Our saying it isn't what makes it true; the world makes it true. We're just reporting on what the world already does and what most people in the world already know.

Okay. Why go into this any further if it's that simple?
It bears further explanation. A few of the folks asking seem genuinely sincere about Black freedom struggle and so we want to do what we can to help clear this up. There are also a lot of people who are not devoted to Black freedom who bring up the term "black privilege" to throw people off course.

Also, a lot of concessions white people have made to Black freedom struggle have sapped the energy of Black radicalism by appearing to bestow some kind of privilege or even power on Black folks. Anytime you see Black folks getting excited because some event has made us feel like "We Have Overcome" or "Yes We Did"-- for example, the election of a Black president-- you're seeing Black people thinking that we now have been given some kind of real privilege.

We need to be crystal clear on this: There is no privilege that Black people get for being Black.

Black people who voted elected Obama because they situated their votes with the coalition of unions, white liberals, and Latinos that make up the Democratic Party. If you remember, most Black people supported Hillary Clinton, until the white voters of the Iowa Caucuses picked Obama.

Even if we were given some kind of privilege or it were voted into existence for us, it would be dependent on the privilege that white people have to withdraw that same privilege. So it would still rely on white privilege. I hope that we won't drink the Kool-Aid and forget this.

So, what do you mean "there's no such thing as "black privilege"?
First we need to understand something about the concept of white privilege: white privilege exists because Black privilege does not.

Writing in the 1990s, critical race theorists like Cheryl Harris (in an article called "Whiteness as Property") and Theodore Allen (in a book called The Invention of the White Race) developed the concept of white privilege to describe the ways that white people got benefits simply from being white, both during the time of slavery and today. Here's how Harris said it:
White identity and whiteness were sources of privilege and protection; their absence meant being the object of property. Slavery as a system of property facilitated the merger of white identity and property. Because the system of slavery was contingent on and conflated with racial identity, it became crucial to be 'white,' to be identified as white, to have the property of being white. Whiteness was the characteristic, the attribute, the property of free human beings. [Cheryl Harris. 1993. Whiteness as Property. Harvard Law Review 106(8): 1721] 
Before Harris and Allen, W.E.B. DuBois saw that, even though white and Black workers were poorly paid, they were still not equal. Du Bois said that's because whiteness all by itself conferred a kind of advantage, a "public and psychological wage," and that blackness conferred its own kind of demerit.
It must be remembered that the white group of laborers, while they received a low wage, were compensated in part by a sort of public and psychological wage. They were given public deference and titles of courtesy because they were white. They were admitted freely with all classes of white people to public functions, public parks, and the best schools. The police were drawn from their ranks, and the courts, dependent on their votes, treated them with such leniency as to encourage lawlessness. Their vote selected public officials, and while this had small effect upon the economic situation, it had great effect upon their personal treatment and the deference shown them. White schoolhouses were the best in the community, and conspicuously placed, and they cost anywhere from twice to ten times as much per capita as the colored schools. The newspapers specialized on news that flattered the poor whites and almost utterly ignored the Negro except in crime and ridicule.  
On the other hand, in the same way, the Negro was subject to public insult; was afraid of mobs; was liable to the jibes of children and the unreasoning fears of white women; and was compelled almost continuously to submit to various badges of inferiority. [W.E.B. Du Bois (1935), Black Reconstruction in America, 1860-1880 (NY: Atheneum), 700-701]
They developed the concept of white privilege to describe the large-scale ways that whiteness gets actual financial, legal, social, and psychological benefits to the extent that blackness is denied those same benefits. It's not that white people get some privileges and Black people need to be included in those benefits. White privilege means that you get benefits for not being Black. If you're Black, you don't get privilege for it.

It's also not just a "psychological" thing that white people can simply purge from their minds without simultaneously changing the social structure. White antiracists, claiming to fight their own racism, often cite the above Du Bois quote, but they emphasize the term "psychological wage." Very few of them emphasize the word "public" that Du Bois also used. Du Bois said "public" five times in that passage, but he said "psychological" only once. White privilege comes from the total social and individual framework. It's not just in people's minds.

The fact remains that there is no such thing as "black privilege." There's no privilege that you get just because you're Black. The people who developed the concept knew this. If you're going to talk about racial privilege, you should know it too.

What about Oprah and Obama? Aren't they privileged?
Sure, they're privileged in at least one way: They have access to money and institutional resources. Also, some white people like or identify with them, primarily because they're so different from the rest of us Black folks. They don't have "black privilege." Oprah has rich privilege-- also known as wealth. Obama has the privilege of institutional access because he is president. "Black privilege" doesn't exist.

Of course there are many Black people who have some kind of privilege. But they have this for some other reason than simply because they are Black. Maybe they have money. Having money is like having a little bit of whiteness in your life. It can sometimes serve to buffer you against some of the negative effects of being Black in an antiblack world. But you can't buy your way out of blackness.

Some Black people have a little bit of whiteness in their lives in other ways besides money. They might have light skin/eyes, straight hair, "proper" pronunciation, a big vocabulary, a white partner, academic training and degrees, approval from white audiences/voters, etc. And people might given them some things based on having all of that-- like a job, admission to graduate school, sex, or the benefit of the doubt. But none of that is "black privilege." The privilege they get from having those things is not because they are Black. That's not how it works. Black folks who have privilege get it from somewhere outside of blackness, the whiter the better. Privilege is something that you get in spite of blackness. (Remember what Malcolm X said: "What do you call an educated Negro with a BA or an MA, with a BS or a PhD? You call him a nigger, because that is what the white man calls him. A nigger.")


In fact, all privilege derives ultimately from the fact that all or most Black people don't have access to it.


White privilege, on the other hand, comes solely from being white. That's all. It is enough just to be white. You don't need money or jewelry or cars or degrees or skills or talent or knowledge of any kind. You just need to be white. The whiter the better.

What if I give up my white privilege?
Remember, white people can't "give up" their white privilege. White privilege doesn't actually exist separately from whiteness itself. You get white privilege from being white. Whiteness is its own currency. And it is backed up by force. Force guarantees that whiteness has value and, simultaneously, that blackness is absent of value.

You know how they used to be said that every dollar bill floating around was basically the same as a piece of gold in Fort Knox? (Well, since the 1970s, they really don't say that anymore, but they used to say it.) Well, in the same way, every white person you see walking around is basically a nuclear warhead or a police officer's service weapon. The white state guarantees the value of white people's lives using the deadliest weapons at its disposal. That's what it takes to get privilege. That's where it comes from. And just because you, white "ally"-- in a college-age fit of noblesse oblige-- say that you want to give all that away doesn't mean that the apparatuses and the momentum of over 500 years will reverse course and make exceptions for you.

[Remember that scene in Spike Lee's Bamboozled where the NYPD shoots down Big Blak Afrika (Mos Def/Yasiin Bey) and the Black members of his crew in a hale of bullets, and the only one standing when the smoke clears is the one white boy who was part of that crew? It's like that. The bullets are already out of the gun, they aren't aimed at you, and they cannot be reversed.]

Black people got nothing like that kind of treatment for being Black. And the only thing that will change this is a revolution that ends the world and abolishes the framework of privilege as we know it. But we'll talk about that elsewhere.

So does it matter that some Black people do have particular forms of privilege like wealth and institutional access? Even if there's no such thing as "black privilege," doesn't Oprah's wealth or Obama's institutional access mean that Black people aren't all equal to each other in the eyes of this racist society?
YES. Oprah's money means that she can afford the best lawyers, doctors, accountants, and personal security and will never seriously have to worry about the things that Trayvon Martin and Anna Brown and other Black folks do. It matters that Obama, Condolezza Rice, Colin Powell, Clarence Thomas could call in airstrikes or prevent certain economic policies or laws from taking effect. It matters because these Black folks are aligned with the status quo and acting directly on its behalf. They are therefore not in the same position as other Black people because of the resources that they possess.

But don't conflate what these Black people have in white institutions with some kind of Black privilege or power. What these Black folks have is kind of like Stephen, Samuel L. Jackson's character in Django Unchained. Stephen influenced his master (Leonardo diCaprio) by quoting his master's father. So, even though he could influence his master, his master still had all the power. Black folks like Obama and Clarence Thomas have influence derived from white people, specifically from white people's institutions, laws, precedents, and practices. Influence is not power.

So those of us Black folks who have privilege are full of shit if we claim that we are different from Black people without privilege. Remember when Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates called urban Black youths "Martians" and said he couldn't identify with them? The Cambridge police officers who arrested Gates on his own front porch for allegedly breaking into his own house probably helped dispel his illusion.

On the other hand, the structure doesn't come after all Black folk in the same way. Socioeconomic class among Black folks matters and so does the way we position ourselves toward the police. Remember back in May when the FBI announced a renewed manhunt for Assata Shakur? A lot of people got carried away with the "I am Assata" thing. I, as a Black person, cannot claim that the hunt for Assata is a hunt for me. The police are not after me--a college-educated Black man-- in the way they are after Assata or the way they went after Larry Davis or Robert Charles. I'm deluding myself if I think otherwise.

So there is a balance. We have to acknowledge that there are significant differences (mostly rooted in socioeconomic class) between the way the structure treats some Black people and the way it treats other Black people. But even that is not "black privilege." Tomorrow, it could all change (like it changed for Henry Louis Gates) and we could be arrested or put on a list for terroristic threat or conspiracy just because we wrote this. Some Black people do have privileges that other Black people don't, and those privileges are significant. But we do not have "black privilege." There is no such thing as "black privilege."


What about "playing the race card"? White people can't do that, and Black people can. Isn't that a form of "black privilege"?
Some people point out that, in this post-civil rights era, many white people don't like to think of themselves as racist. Some Black people can make it look like you're racist if you don't go along with them. Some people call this "playing the race card" (although this is a bullshit term that minimizes claims of racism that are valid more often than not). This is still not "Black privilege." It's a form of white privilege. Let us explain why.

The goal of "playing the race card" is to solicit the guilt of whites or the censure of white businesses or the white state. It only works in a time and place in which white people as a whole don't like to think of themselves as racist. In places and times in which white people don't give a damn if Black people call them racist, the "race card" is worthless, no matter how valid the claim of racism.

If something hinges on how white people feel from one day to another or between one place and another, it can't be called "privilege." White privilege is white privilege everywhere. It doesn't require a whole bunch of qualifiers, conditions, and fine print. Any privilege Black people have in an antiblack world always depends on white people's money, votes, or approval.

But what about money? Money is money. My money is green and somebody of a different color could just as easily have it. So isn't money its own kind of privilege?
No. Even the value of money is a function of whiteness. Remember, white super-elites determine what gets counted as money in the first place. Even the capacity to fix exchange rates is set by banks in the USA and Europe, not by the African nations whose resources the USA, Europe, and others plunder. So producing more Black millionaires doesn't create "black privilege."

In fact, check out Saidiya Hartman's book Lose Your Mother: A Journey Along the Atlantic Slave Route and look at the chapter titled "Blood Cowries." Centuries ago, West African elites were selling other Africans into the European slave trade. European slaving companies paid for nearly one third of these slaves using the currency that African elites liked at that time: cowrie shells. That's right. Nearly one third of us Black folks who were sold into slavery in the Americas were paid for with cowrie shells that the Europeans dug up from the Indian Ocean and used as ballast in their ships. The African elites might have thought that Europeans would accept cowrie shells as currency in return. They were wrong. And once Europeans established control over their African colonies, they eventually demonetized the cowrie shell completely on the African continent. Europeans even determined what could count as currency on the African continent.
white woman with cowrie shell necklace

Well, I'm white and wracked with guilt and I want to do something about racism. So what if I use my white privilege to make something up called "black privilege"?
That's called affirmative action, and it's still white privilege. It's a set of policies that depends on white people's approval to keep going. It is by no means an "entitlement" that Black people can call a "privilege" of being Black. Now, we have no qualms about taking advantage of it; frankly, it's the very least that a nation can do for the descendants of its slaves and genocide victims. But it all hinges on how white people feel from one election season to another. It is therefore not an essential change in the status quo. White people's desire and whim, backed by their force, still makes the rules. It's their privilege, even if they use it, ever so briefly, on our behalf.