Tuesday, August 11, 2015

"knowing oneself to be a dead relation": A Review Essay and an Interview with Frank B. Wilderson, III (Part 1 of 2)

In honor of Black August, cosmic hoboes is proud to publish a review essay and interview that Omar Ricks did in 2008 with Frank B. Wilderson III about his first book, Incognegro: A Memoir of Exile and Apartheid, published by the (sadly) now-defunct South End Press. The book's second edition is soon to be published by Duke University Press.
_______________________________________________________
A Review Essay and an Interview with Frank B. Wilderson, III
Review Essay by Omar Ricks
Incognegro: A Memoir of Exile and Apartheid. By Frank B. Wilderson, III. (Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 2008. Pp. 501. Paper, ISBN 978-0-89608-783-5). (Second edition coming soon from Duke University Press.)

“Yes,” I said, and I felt how the sway of the room had shifted in my favor. It could not be registered at the level of agreement, not even the curious man in the corner had shown any signs of alliance with either me or the blasphemous oracle from which I read; but they all had shifted from aggression to curiosity, which meant that I had been granted the power to pose the question. And the power to pose the question is the greatest power of all. (110)

Is the positionality of blacks in the world shaped more by performance than by “the fact of blackness”?
In some fashion or another, this question is on many people’s minds at the present historical moment, as Barack Obama prepares to take the stage as chief executive of the United States. There are many forms of it—Are blacks prepared to lead? Will whites be able to relate to him as simultaneously human and black? Will Obama’s presence in office have an emancipatory, role-modeling effect on African Americans?—but the anxious questions surrounding Obama are linked to what his performance will mean for the ontology of race—even the question of whether there is such a thing as an ontology of race or if instead “racism” has been a matter of nonwhites not having access to the performance of power within civil and political society. 
The implications of the answers to this question are enormous for they bear on the question of what is to be done. For me, a performing artist and a black male who has to live in the world, the decision to become a performing artist, as well as the day-to-day performative decisions and habits that constitute “me,” are predicated on the optimistic assumption that my performance is in some way liberatory, that what I do shifts me individually and “us” collectively—as black people, as a nation, as humankind—closer to a time when my blackness does not precede my performance as a positioning mechanism. As I write this, there are still a lot of anxious questions surrounding all of the things that can happen to Obama before the inauguration—before he is even afforded the opportunity to perform—suggesting the myriad and complex ways in which blackness and violence are linked, both in the psyche but, at a deeper level, in the structure of which psyches are a part. The questions are essentially ones regarding how the performance of a ritual, like electing and inaugurating a new president, can at least begin to recalibrate a racial order in which resource distribution is unequal into one in which resource distribution is equal. But when there is a black man’s face, a black man’s gait, and a black man’s voice following the words “Ladies and Gentlemen, the President of the United States,” and Obama is no longer simply a signifier for equal opportunity in America or the power of the speech act but the symbolic Name of the Father of the world’s military and economic powerhouse, a symbolic brother to Indian killers and slaveholders and a Commander-in-Chief of CIA hit men—will much have changed in the world? Will performativity avow the much-vaunted shifting of America away from a racialized slave society into a “post racial” nation? Will, indeed, can the election of a black person to the presidency of a society founded and maintained by enslavement, incarceration, and genocide be truly revolutionary? Put simply, does performativity trump ontology?
If the memoir of Frank B. Wilderson, III, were to proffer an answer, it would be “Probably not.” Indeed, if some of these questions resonate with those of another multiracial nation that was on the verge of electing a black president for the first time nearly a score of years ago, then the timing of Wilderson’s neo-slave narrative of his life in early 1990s South Africa should prove instructive to the world today. Juxtaposed with his life in a conservative, theretofore all-white Minneapolis suburban enclave in the early 1960s, in the urban black power hotspots of his adolescence in the late 1960s and early 1970s, and in California’s San Francisco Bay Area (site of a very recent police murder of an unarmed black man) during the late 1990s and early 2000s culture wars, South Africa is clearly the place that anchors his narrative in the world because it is the place where we see him gain the power to pose the questions that he asks of his life up to that moment and following it. Indeed, part of what comes through in this narrative is that blacks, while sentient beings, have been rendered utterly devoid of the capacity to define space/time, so that even “black spaces” have no signifying power and, in the words of David Marriott, black fantasies have "no objective value"[1]—until, that is, the prospect of sudden, fundamental change to the social order is at hand. Blacks’ attempts to disrupt their continuous repositioning as objects, and even to create their own subjective relationality or cultural identities, are behaviors that may have value in the performative register and may help black people make it through the day, but always fail to reposition blacks in the ontological register. While a title like Incognegro might suggest that Wilderson’s entire book is centering on blackness as an identity that is masked, some specific moments from the book belie such optimistic readings and, instead, point out the ways in which Wilderson is setting up blackness-as-ontology against black performativity and showing how the former murders the latter when the two clash.
Performance, this memoir points out, is a necessary reality of black life but only insofar as it can stave off the encroaching awareness of the ontological reality of blackness qua incapacity and social death. “So driven was I by a need to impress her,” Wilderson writes of his first date with his ex-wife Khanya Phenyo in Chapter 3, “that I postured as though I could protect her from animus so fine and ubiquitous it filled the very air we breathed” (99). Frank (henceforth, I will use “Frank” to refer to the author’s persona in this memoir and “Wilderson” to refer to the author qua author) attempts to leverage his Americanness to take his date, a South African woman, to the heretofore “Whites Only” Café Zurich.
“Just walk in like you own the joint,” I said. Still, she held back. I touched her gently at the elbow. “Okay,” I said, “let’s go somewhere else, it’s our first date, it should be fun; it’s your town, make a suggestion.”
“It’s not my town,” she said, softly.
Several White couples trickled up the stairs, slipped past us in our anxious indecision, and crossed the threshold of the Café Zurich’s glass façade. They took their seats in the dark interior of cushioned chairs and candlelight. The entire mise–en–scène gave the café the ambiance of a dinner theater; the landing where Khanya and I stood, paralyzed by uncertainty and dread, was the perfect spectacle for their optimism and amusement as they sipped their wine and savored their dessert. For whatever tragedy could befall them, they could thank god that they would never be cast in our roles. Unable to bear the prolonged humiliation of their gaze, I urged Khanya to go inside. (99-100)
In a different historical milieu, this incident could have been read as a cautionary tale for Black Americans. “Freedom isn’t free, so be thankful for it because you won’t get it in other countries.” In the post-apartheid era it might also be read as a narrative of historical progress, a legitimation of the racial order in which racial problems will be resolved in due time with enough hard work and faith in the system on everyone’s part. Of course, this is hardly the point here and would require us to discard a substantial portion of the rich detail that Wilderson provides us from his actual lived experience. For one thing, the narrative is acknowledging what every black/slave narrative since the advent of blackness must perforce acknowledge: the white audience. In the tradition of black narratives, whites are always already positioned as having the capacity to in some way authorize, hence police, the narrative—as the benefactors that made the book’s publication possible by funding it, being part of the publishing apparatus, or warranting its legibility in the symbolic order (like the abolitionist amanuenses and editors who prefaced the narratives of North American slaves in order to enable the empathy of “the reader,” or Jean-Paul Sartre’s admonition that “readers” in the west “have the courage to read [Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth], primarily because it will make you feel ashamed, and shame, as Marx said, is a revolutionary feeling”[2]). Wilderson is also positioning the white audience here as that which makes Frank’s performance necessary in this moment, and, as we shall see in the interview, makes Wilderson’s performative act of writing Incognegro itself a necessary act while at the same time proscribing the manner in which he must go about doing that.
What unfolds in the course of the scene is that the maître d', an eastern European immigrant (a Slav?), points Frank and Khanya (the Slaves) to the sign “Right of Refusal Reserved” and ushers them out. Wilderson is not just pointing toward an instance of discriminatory behavior or a case of individual hatred of black people, but a more widely dispersed and “fine” antiblackness that wears a smile and speaks politely, even apologetically. Frank pushes back, insisting that he has just as much right to eat in the restaurant as any of the white patrons who are watching him make this very scene. One senses the ease with which Frank, and black men more generally, rely on the performance of confident carriage to such a degree that it's really hard to accept that it is a performance. As the scene unfolds further, we see that it's a performance that might even work on a case-by-case basis—perhaps even seem to work throughout something called a life— but never does anything to reposition the black. The maître d's sign, and the military functions that back it and that are always a few seconds away, mean that Frank and Khanya are already zoned (in Fanon’s parlance) by the gratuitous violence that creates a “Whites Only” sector. In other words, Frank’s resistance is never ontological resistance leading to a Hegelian dialectical synthesis. To be sure, it's a performance that sometimes works. It sometimes works because one is able to dupe a white into disavowing their reality (and Frank does indeed get the maître d' to consider the possibility that “the law [allowing the restaurant to keep blacks and Coloureds out] has changed”)—or sometimes because in the present ethical order it’s not polite to refuse blacks service—so that they treat the black as a Human and not a Slave. In the moment, the maître d' eventually does invite Frank in, hailing him as “my American friend.” Still, this does not reposition the Slave or suggest that the Slave had actually been part of the symbolic dialectic after all, for it is only the belated connection that the maître d' draws between the Slave and a geographically recognizable—in other words, white—“zone” (“my American friend”) that authorizes this provisional visibility and enables empathy. It thus reaffirms Ronald A.T. Judy’s claim that “black folk… are always already dead wherever you find them,”[3] whether that be in an all-white enclave in Minnesota, in Manhattan, or in a “racially integrated” neighborhood in Johannesburg. Performance, this book argues repeatedly and forcefully, cannot in any way rescue the black from blackness.
Wilderson also pieces together how the answers to these questions are revealed to him. In this moment, it is Khanya, of course, who is seeing the performance but acknowledging the ontological reality that is underwriting it. Whose town is it? She whispers the answer, “It’s not my town,” just as Wilderson-as-author stages the entrance of those who are the answer that question. (Khanya often reminds Frank of his audience, as, at the beginning of the book, when Frank must step into the next room in the house of his white benefactors in South Africa, his evening disrupted by a call from a white reporter pressing him to comment about being on Nelson Mandela’s list of domestic threats. He is forced to pretend that his white benefactors should not be troubled.)
Wilderson even tempts us to draw analogies between performance done by blacks and that by others.
 “Let’s take a cab,” I said, “rather than wait all night for a kombi to fill up.”
As metered taxi drivers came into view, and as we came in view for them, I became horribly aware of what a bad idea this was. But we had too much forward motion. The first and second drivers shook their heads and rolled up their windows. Khanya was set to leave when I noticed the third driver was an Indian and, unlike the others, he was rolling his window down.
“This guy’ll take us.” I made a beeline for him and she was compelled to do the same.
He said, “I’m not going to Soweto! I’ll tell you that right now.”
“We’re not going to Soweto,” I said in a tone that wanted to be accommodating for him and indignant for Khanya. It fell into a pit between the two.
“Or Alexandra, either. I don’t go to the locations.”
“We’re not going to the locations. We’re here, in town. Braamfontein. Wits University.”
Khanya was even more disgusted than before: “We’re going to walk,” she said and turned back up the hill. There was nothing to do but follow to her.
My accent finally registered with the driver and he called after me:
“Hey! You American? Okay, why not? Get in.”
“Khanya,” I whispered, “he’ll take us.”
“He’ll take you.” She continued up the hill.
“New York! Chicago? LA! You from LA?”
Wilderson’s record of this moment of the clash between performance and ontology turns on the “Okay” here performed by the Indian cab driver. “Okay” is one of the most thoroughly dispersed Americanisms out there—a simple turn of phrase, denoting a mild affirmation, which, because it is repeated so often, comes to signify the easygoing, pragmatic nature that makes America “great.” One senses that the Indian cab driver embraces the word here with its attendant pragmatism about reaching ends. It is the American's willingness to ask "why not?" (the quintessentially American corporate giant slogan went, "Enron: Ask why?") that frees him from such traditional hindrances as class lines or, in the case of the Indian cab driver, caste lines. The Indian cab driver’s performance of Americanism seems to be liberatory for him in this moment. But is it also liberatory for Frank and Khanya?
“Okay” is interesting for another reason: Its etymology may be at least partly influenced by the languages of the Wolof and Choctaw in the “New” World.[4] It is a word that never would have gone worldwide— only to become the province of a South African-Indian cab driver deciding whether to take an African American man’s money—but for the Middle Passage, the genocidal cultural exchange between Indian and Settler, and the violence of colonialist expansion and labor. Frank is attempting to accept it here as a signifier of that American-style willingness to try anything that works—read: makes money (in the previous action of this chapter, he said to the maitre d’ that his money was as good as anyone else’s). This set of meanings is important, but underneath, it is simply another mercy that is being afforded him, for he is the anything that is being tried, and only, again, because he is recognized as being attached to a white zone, America, instead of a black zone, “the locations.” He has thus been elevated by the Indian cab driver above the nonexistence of niggerhood to the position of “okay.” The power to be positioned, the narrative informs us, lies not with the black because the black is not a subject. Even in the face of a white immigrant and a nonwhite-nonblack immigrant to an avowedly racist country, the black, whether native-born like Khanya or an American immigrant like Frank, is an object to be positioned, but unable to position himself.
This incapacity to position oneself extends to the time of the black as well as the space. The sense of time is structured by intervals, as described by Frantz Fanon and emphasized by Kara Keeling. Each chapter, each scene contains an explosion in which, as Keeling puts it in her article “In the Interval: Frantz Fanon and the ‘Problems’ of Visual Representation,” the present is simply the “(re)appearance of the past, felt as affect” (106). The time of the black structures this book by way of the explosion for which Fanon and Keeling wait. For what do they wait? For the cognitive dissonance between the realities woven from performance and the Real that black ontology avows.
Frank’s friend, Jim Harris, a philosophical and hard-drinking black American expatriate in South Africa, is fond of playing the trombone, badly, and playing his role in debunking some of Frank’s lingering optimism. If choice and agency are the marks of free subjects, it doesn’t seem too much of a reduction to say that Frank’s discussion with Jim in Chapter 10 concerns the theme of the Subject’s “if” versus the Object’s “when.” “Jim Harris was real,” Wilderson writes (399), and, like the Real of Lacanian psychoanalysis, Jim’s favorite role is as a spoiler of Frank’s sense that he has any symbolic agency in his life—even going so far as to lay out the subject matters of Frank and Khanya’s arguments and a precise timetable for their eventual breakup.
Yeah, [Khanya] thinks she’s got something special, something different than that ole South African who only wants to hang with his friends 24/7 and stay out all night at the shebeen. Then a year goes by, maybe two, three if you lucky.” He began playing his trombone.
“Will you stop with that insufferable horn and finish the story!”
“Insufferable.” He let the horn rest, and reflected: “Now there’s a word you don’t hear everyday from a Negro.”
“Jim, please.”
“She likes all your fancy talk, all your romance, all your Marvin Gaye, but no one warned her ’bout all your complications. That’s what my African wife told me when she left. 
In this moment, we can see yet another level at which Jim is functioning: He sets up the interval at which Frank explodes. Keeling writes, “Because the Black’s explosion has been anticipated within the terms of the hellish cycle to which he is confined, it does not liberate him; instead, it fulfills and initiates the infernal circle in which the world waits for the Black’s explosion” (105).
All of this provokes many questions, the most salient among them being, “Does Incognegro suggest that the performative is a pointless register for thinking black existence?” Perhaps at this point, it will be useful to turn to our interview with Wilderson on his performative act, the writing of Incognegro itself.

“I only knew I couldn’t breathe.” (414)
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Interview, September 25, 2008, Irvine, California
Omar: You have referred elsewhere[5] to positionalities formed by the antagonisms that structure modernity. These are the Settler/Master, a position held by Europeans in the “New World” and by Western Europe and other colonial powers in their colonies; the “Savage,” the indigenous populations whose position in modernity is defined by (a) genocide and (b) displacement from its subjective capacity to signify; and the Slave, whose position in modernity is the collapse of all capacity into object-hood. With that in mind, we could read this “memoir of exile and apartheid” as exposing the reader to the three structural positionalities that define modernity and showing how the attempt to situate the black within each ends up rejecting the black bodies and black lives that circumstances toss into them. In South Africa, we see the indigenous position—what happens when the Slave and "Savage" positions are the same. And with you in South Africa and, briefly, Khanya in New York, we see the impossibility of living an immigrant narrative, which is really a subset of the settler narrative, when one is a black. And then, there is the slave. Although there is a positionality for the slave, there is really no narrative that is the slave’s. So, will you talk about how your memoir elaborates or modifies your thoughts about the triangulated subject positions of modernity?
Frank: Let me start by saying that I modeled this book as a genre form on the autobiography of Assata Shakur because I needed a way to talk about the structural antagonisms that your question alludes to as well as tell a story on a way that was acceptable to the needs of the genre. Part of the problem is that the genre of the memoir is predicated on what Barthes called the proairetic code[6]—the code of “and then,... and then,… and then…” There is the individual, and that individual moves from a state of equilibrium, to a state of disequilibrium, and finally the narrative recuperates its state of equilibrium.  That is the story of all seven of the seminal or “Ur texts” of Western modernity. Christ comes into a horrible world, he is born in a manger, he goes through disequilibrium, and he rises again. So, here’s the deal. I had a situation in which I needed to package what I’m trying to say in a creative genre that is acceptable to Western modernity so I can get it published and get paid. [Laughter.] Western modernity actually is the problem, not what happens in modernity itself. Those are problems also. And so we’re dealing with the story of someone who, based upon the semiotics of storytelling, doesn’t have a story. Which is to say, I must accommodate the anti-story of the slave—who is the anti-being— to the needs, the ideological needs of a cultural object out of western modernity. Why is that a problem? It’s a problem because the person in the story in question has a name and often believes himself to be an agent, but his blackness makes him not. Which is to say that the three large steps, or three general moves of the creative narrative of Western modernity—equilibrium, disequilibrium, recuperation of equilibrium—can’t work for that position—
Omar: —because there’s never an equilibrium? Because there’s not a subject?
Frank: Yes. And I felt that Assata Shakur’s book helped me with that in that she moved from a chapter of present tense oriented political struggle—violent disequilibrium—a moment of violent disequilibrium against the state—the shootout on the Jersey Turnpike—and uses that to talk about the state of disequilibrium in a dramatic way. So she’s taken some of the tools of the genre—which is dramatic storytelling— but she’s opening in an obvious moment of disequilibrium in the present tense. Then the next chapter oscillates back to childhood—and childhood in the west, in America, nine times out of ten is a moment of equilibrium. As the white new agers say, one must find one’s inner child to have peace—the same way they talk about “nature” as though it’s—
Omar: Something to get back to—
Frank: Yes, a pristine moment of innocence. As opposed to what [Slavoj] Zizek[7] would say, we have to understand that Nature is absolutely crazy—think of volcanoes and earthquakes and so on—there’s nothing pristine or peaceful about it. Geological, tectonic shifts—
Omar: So there’s always got to be a paradise to lose and then to regain. [Laughter.]
Frank: That’s it. So she was able to do that using some of the tactics of the western bourgeois narrative, but still illustrating the condition of this being who is born into disequilibrium, lives through various types of disequilibrium, and dies in disequilibrium. And so that’s how I was able to do that.
Omar: That brings up my next question, because Hortense Spillers talks about how blacks live in “mythical time,” and have “no movement in the field of signification.” Will you talk with us about how this mythical time is elaborated in your narrative—both in how you lay it out and how mythical time actually occurs in the narrative of black “life,” for lack of a better term?
Frank: Yes, well if we look at it in chronological time, the book moves from 1962 age of six years old through a kind of civil rights era as one of two (with my sister) first black kids in an all-white school, an all-white enclave of Minneapolis during the civil rights era, through sabbatical years as a young adolescent, my father’s sabbatical years and our falling into these various hot, hot spots of revolution. Detroit. Chicago. Berkeley. Jumping then to South Africa in the 1990s and white suburban California at the turn of the century. And so in one particular episode, the little boy persona, Frank Wilderson, is now an adolescent and the sabbatical years are happening, its 1970, we’re in Berkeley, and what I want is to be a part of a revolution that will change the world. So, what the narrative is saying is that my participating in the demonstrations that turn into riots at UC Berkeley, my working or learning from older college kids in SDS [Students for a Democratic Society] and things like that at Willard Junior High School in Berkeley, my tutelage from the Black Panthers, are all things that are narrativized in the book as being politically more palatable, more correct, than my parents’ laissez-faire or their tenacious fixation on civil rights as opposed to black power. And so in one register I’m saying, “Yes, this is right. Where I was coming from is better than where they’re coming from.” But what the book also recognizes is that my political correctness—and I don’t mean that in quotation marks or ironically—and their political conservatism are important distinctions but ultimately inessential and irrelevant to what happens to us, to our actual condition in the world. And then some of the musing, when we move away from the actual storytelling and—because this is what you can do in a memoir, you can muse on, reflect on, the story—I realized that maybe they were smarter than I was for having given up on history. Because hasn’t history always already given up on the slave? And this gets back to what you’re saying in terms of this “no movement in the field of signification.” Hortense Spillers is exactly right. I can’t celebrate my parents’ not being down with Marxist-Leninism. On the other hand, maybe unconsciously they realized that Marxist-Leninism would free the worker, move the worker through time to another condition, but leave the Black where he or she always was.
Omar: Yes. In fact, you never allow the reader to indulge in the standard array of the narratives that American mythology usually imposes that imply any form of progress—that is, movement in the field of signification. For example, romantically conflating the arrival of black middle-class families in white enclaves with some kind of immigrant arrival narrative here would not work any more for your upper middle-class upbringing than for Claude Brown in Manchild in the Promised Land. The structure of your narrative brings out this element, as do your references to slavery and your parents’ lives in Louisiana and the Great Migration to Harold and Gloria Cooper, the black psychologist couple visiting in South Africa who describe the paper-bag test that her mother brings out, which is of course straight out of my parents’ generation, my grandparents’ generation.
Let me share a quote from an article:
In fact, studies comparing birth outcomes among white and Black American women showed that more low birth-weight babies are born to African Americans, but birth outcomes among white Americans and African-born immigrants to America were comparable. Moreover, the daughters of the African immigrants gave birth to low birth-weight babies at the same rate as African Americans.[8]
Researchers are at a loss to explain these kinds of disparities with reference to socioeceonomic class or genetics. African-born black women “become black,” in a manner of speaking, within one generation of being on U.S. soil. There is a Middle Passage in these numbers. Now, your book implies that Africans are very much aware that blackness kills. So, Khanya leaves New York and returns to Johannesburg because she feels herself becoming more “sullen and coiled”: becoming black.
Frank: Well, some people think of this as a paradox. In my writing, I think of it as a necessary condition for the health of everyone else.
Omar: Explain, please.
Frank: Well, I think that it’s necessary for us to die in myriad ways and for there to be the spectacle of black death re-inscribing itself, reproducing itself across various sectors, say the movies—and here we have, in your example, birthrates, so that a couple of things can happen. One, the isolation of black bodies from human bodies can remain constant. Why is there a threat of it not remaining constant? Because black sentient beings push against the paradigm of this isolation. And so the paradigm that isolates blacks outside of and away from human beings has to shape shift and morph its technologies so that that isolation stays because if it didn’t, then there would be no distinction between blacks and humans, which means that “human” would be an irrelevant or non-knowable category. There would not be a crisis in human relations; there would be a catastrophe in the epistemological fabric of the world. [Laughter.] So, there’s panic on both sides. There’s panic in the nonblack world, which has to guard the gate to keep blackness from becoming, from seeping into humanness. And there’s panic in the black world, which is internecine panic for various subsets of us to figure out how we can be less black. Which is to say how we can be less dead. And this is I think the foundation of the Black African-Black American conflict that you’re seeing in this marriage in the United States with the psyche of Khanya moving towards trying to aspire to and apprehend immigrant status, if only unconsciously, if only in her mind, so that that would ward off this status of pure blackness. And Black Americans do the same thing when they’re abroad, like when they join the Peace Corps. It’s a kind of movement, affect, structure of feeling, way to distinguish themselves from the black spot of where they are: the African. The isolation has tangible effects. In other words, this low birth weight in your example that comes in the second generation of African women is a function not of some people throwing people down the stairs, but a function of knowing oneself to be a dead relation and the stress of that knowing oneself to be a dead relation creating all sorts of adrenal problems that impact upon the reproductive apparatus and the womb. So the researchers or the scientists who are not privy to this study might say that the problem is coming internally from the psyche itself, but we know from Lacan and from Freud that the psyche is a component of a large set of relations. It’s not an isolated thing. So the problem in thinking, the problem in writing, the problem in analyzing is how to make what seems naturally internal read as an external phenomenon, which is very hard to do, because one could say that people have a low birth weight in 1690 because they’re eating slop and being chained up and beaten in the ship. Well, I’m suggesting that that same dynamic is happening here, even though someone is wearing a Gucci pair of shoes and a Liz Claiborne dress—
Omar: —and calling themselves a white person’s boss, as Shelleen Johnson, the black woman elected to be chair of the department at Cabrillo College by her white feminist faculty “sisters” is policed by Helen, the white secretary!
Frank: Exactly! And if you can think like that then we can begin to blame the world for the problem of blacks as opposed to blaming blacks for their problems.
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[1] Marriott, David. (2000). On Black Men. New York: Columbia University Press, p. 11.
[2] Sartre, Jean-Paul, in Fanon, Frantz. (2005). The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press.
[3] Judy, R.A.T. (1994). On the Question of Nigga Authenticity. Boundary 2, 21:3, p. 212.
[4] The Origin of OK. Morning Edition [online]. Available: http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=1140939 (accessed on 8 August 2015).
[5] Wilderson, Frank B., III. (2010). Red, White, and Black: Cinema and the Structure of U.S. Antagonisms. Duke University Press, 2010, p. 6.
[6] Silverman, Kaja. (1983). Subject of Semiotics. NY: Oxford UP. pp. 262-70.
[7] Zizek, Slavoj (2008). World Renowned Philosopher Slavoj Zizek on the Iraq War, the Bush Presidency, the War on Terror. Democracy Now [online] http://www.democracynow.org/2008/5/12/world_renowned_philosopher_slavoj_zizek_on (accessed on 8 August 2015).
[8] Unnatural Causes: Is Inequality Making Us Sick? [online] http://www.unnaturalcauses.org/resources.php?topic_id=8 (accessed on 8 August 2015); see also N Engl J Med. 1997 Oct 23;337(17):1209-14.

Friday, July 31, 2015

Why We Need Black August


August has come again. And another Black August is here.

Honestly, I don't know much about Black August. I would like to know more. I know it is associated with a radical tendency within Black thinking and action. I also know that, historically, August has many important events in the history of antiblack racism and the struggle against antiblackness in the USA.

  • August 7, 1970 (San Rafael, California, USA) -- Jonathan Jackson, Ruchelle Magee, and William Christmas take over a courtroom in Marin County Courthouse demanding freedom for the Soledad Brothers, George Jackson, Fleeta Drumgo, and John Clutchette.
  • August 10, 1835 (Canaan, New Hampshire) --More than 500 white men yoked more than 100 oxen to the Noyes Academy and dragged it into a swamp to prevent Black children from attending. The white men also fired canons into the boarding houses where the Black children lived while attending. Among the children who had attended were Alexander Crummell and Henry Highland Garnett, who would grow to be important leaders advocating Black autonomy and revolution.
  • Aug. 13, 1955 (Brookhaven, Mississippi) -- Voting rights activist and veteran Lamar Smith is shot dead in front of the local courthouse in Brookhaven. No one has ever been charged.
  • August 14, 1908 (Springfield, Illinois, USA) -- Based on spurious accusations of rape, a white mob goes on a rampage, burning a Black neighborhood, assaulting, raping, and killing numerous residents. Seven Black people die.
  • August 17, 1887 (St. Ann's Bay, Jamaica) -- Marcus Mosiah Garvey, future founder of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, is born.
  • August 21, 1831 (Southampton County, Virginia, USA) -- Nat Turner's Rebellion begins in Virginia. It succeeds in killing more than 50 slaveholders before being suppressed and its conspirators killed by US government.
  • August 21, 1971 (San Quentin State Penitentiary, California, USA) -- George Jackson's Rebellion in San Quentin prison succeeds in killing several guards before being suppressed. In following weeks, rebellion in Attica prison in New York state continues the rebellion before being brutally suppressed on the orders of New York governor Nelson Rockefeller.
  • August 27, 1974 (Washington, North Carolina, USA) -- Black inmate Joan Little kills white guard Clarence Alligood. He had been raping her, a common practice among southern white jailers with their Black female inmates.
  • August 30, 1800 (Richmond, Virginia, USA) -- Gabriel Prosser's planned rebellion to take over Richmond is foiled by two snitches. Prosser and his fellow conspirators escape but are eventually captured and executed.

The thing is, I don't remember hearing about most of these events. During most of the past Augusts of my life, The March On Washington has usually the only historical event I remember commemorating during August. All of that changed only when I found out about freedom fighters like Joan Little, Jonathan Jackson, Angela Davis, George Jackson, Gabriel Prosser, and Nat Turner.

But, as the series of pieces I've posted from Zinn Education Project shows, August has also been a very bloody and traumatic month for Black folks, a month when we have been reminded that, as one very anti-afropessimist friend of mine once surprisingly (ironically) put it, "Black people will never get treated fairly here or anywhere else in the world." Ironically, that statement remains the best definition of afropessimism that I have ever heard.

That analysis is why we fight back *as* Black people. We can fight back as women, LGBT folks, workers, or even members of the "middle class." But at the end of the day, all the other members of those groups can achieve victories toward their freedom and go back home and we remain unfree. Black August is the time when we remind ourselves that, however implicated in other fights for justice and equality we might be, there is something unique that we do when we recognize antiblack racism as the paradigm of the world. That recognition binds us to a fight that has a long history and many names, most of it and most of them unknown.

Afropessimism doesn't oppose struggle; it is authorized as a set of questions (not really a "school of thought," per se) posed by die-hard soldiers and activists like Assata Shakur, Dhoruba bin Wahad, Safiya Bukhari, George Jackson, Jonathan Jackson, Jalil Muntaquim, and Frank Wilderson.

So, however you honor Black August, make it a moment of commemoration and action. Study the memories cited above. And make new ones.

Gosh

Gosh.
Is there a difference between
*an* antiblack world and
*the* antiblack world?

All this time, I been thinkin
there was only one
world
.
where we are
fired in the morning and
they rock out to our music to in the afternoon
where we dance in the evening
and are lynched in the night.

But this new insight
make me wanna catch a redeye flight
departing from *the*
to *an* sometime
after 6 tonight
so I go to
sleep in *the*
and
wake up in *an*

Cuz this *the* shit
is
really wearing
a nigga
down.

(c) Omar Ricks 2015

Saturday, May 9, 2015

One Righteous, Crazy Whiteboy

Today, May 9, is the birthday of John Brown (1800-1859), quite possibly my favorite whiteboy of all time. He led a failed slave rebellion at Harper's Ferry, Virginia, in 1859, and was captured, and hanged by the U.S. government. He had participated in several guerrilla wars against slaveholders and their forces, especially after they killed abolitionist Elijah P. Lovejoy. He believed he was charged by god to start a holy war to end slavery, and he dedicated his life to this effort. He ended up a martyr, but not before taking a whole bunch of slavers with him. In another parlance, he was a mujahid who was about his jihad. And we will never forget him.

I remember every grade school and high school teacher I ever had who covered the topic of John Brown's rebellion felt the need to hint in some way that Brown was mentally ill. I always found it interesting that they all said that, almost as though it was in some sort of script, but it never really phased me too much. I was like, "Shit, if 'crazy' is what it takes to do what he did, sign me the fuck up!" To me, the teachers and the school itself were mentally ill because they didn't see humans as humans if we are Black. They were always threatening the Black boys and girls with suspension or worse for the slightest things. At the time I was lucky enough to dodge such punitive teachers. Today, I might not have such luck. They might even have arrested me for "disobedience" and got me in that system that turns so many of us into slaves of the state. Don't get me wrong. I am a slave now, as are all us Black folks. But on the outside, I can fight a very different fight.

As I grew, I came to understand that the proper study of "crazy" is a forbidden art in the United States. "Crazy" is the province mostly of professional psychiatrists, who are like trained police, paid by insurance companies to medicate us into compliance or patch up the systemic contradictions that manifest as personal crises like psychic breakdowns, and to do it all in 10 sessions or less. Psychiatrists are a special brand of religious dogmatist who fortify their charges to "trust and obey" not a righteous god who moves and moves with something called history and justice, but, instead, the Order of Things. This field of study is designed to contain "crazy," keep it under wraps and safe for the masters of capitalism to continue their work of exploiting and enslaving. It limits the sparks of "crazy" to bourgeois arts and entertainment and otherwise the prison. The only other hope of an oppressive structure is to discipline people into distancing themselves from "crazy." Psychiatrists are supposed to be the end limits of that disciplining, when you can no longer resist your own resistance to the Order of Things. Instead of acting on that resistance, you are to seek them out so they can label it as "crazy"-- their word for sin.

It is possible, however, to engage with "crazy." It receives no sanction from the state and insurance companies. And it is more closely aligned with the arts and creative practices that are in an intimate and friendly dialog with the concerns of everyday people, folks who are antagonistic to the bourgeoisie and the antiblack power structure. It consists primarily of close and careful listening to one another without judgment or prescriptions, except to rest more, exercise, eat what your body needs, and to have fun. When medicine is needed, it is used, but it doesn't harness your pain to the economic profit motive. And to be healed is not to be without any paint, but to understand where one's pain is ultimately coming from, which means, partly, to be critical of the structure in which one was formed.

Healing requires, in the words of Fanon, "a change in the social structure," something that will inevitably change you, too. That is because every human is a "subject." A subject is not just how you identify yourself, but also how the structure you live in grows and makes you as a total person, including your body, voice, thought patterns, identity, and position within a social order that came before you and is massively bigger than your individual self in how it shapes the present order. Your subjectivity is not a prison, but it cannot be changed by changes in the way you act and dress and speak if other things don't change too. You have to change the social order that created you as it is creating you anew. You can't go there by yourself. You need collective action against a structure so massive it can crush you. The structure grounds our subjectivities. But, like our subjectivities, it contains cracks, breaks. And we have to be ready to build as we break. That takes a certain kind of crazy.

So maybe John Brown was that certain kind of "crazy" or at least conversant with it. Maybe you have to be a certain kind of "crazy" to do this, or at least in conversation with whatever lies beyond that horizon of what's "possible" or even thinkable. After all, ethics is only possible for those who are capable of great change, because, unlike straightforward moral rules, ethics must be figured out in the moment based on simple principles. To track a structure like the racial enslavement of Black people that is so old it no longer appears to be a temporary event but seems to be "the way it is" is to be a fish that sees the water it's swimming in. But we have to have that kind of insight to stare down and fight against a structure like slavery. It also takes the political imagination to see that something better than the narrow now is possible and to throw oneself into the fight to bring down the structure that oppresses, tortures, rapes, enslaves, and kills. And it requires the discipline to make oneself ready for how protracted a struggle that will be. It also requires the ethical compass to understand that struggling for what is right has a trajectory, a long arc toward a horizon one may never see but, through sustaining faith, knows is there. One has to be a certain kind of subject to be at peace with the certainty of change, the instability of the present, the likelihood that one will die, often violently, before seeing the outcome of one's most sincere jihad. In struggle, we need to develop these capacities. And it may well be that these capacities only exist without the chain of fear within a certain kind of crazy, a certain subjectivity. We would then need to go about cultivating and sustaining such subjectivities in each other and allowing each other to cultivate and sustain such subjectivities in ourselves. This is leadership.
Dangerfield Newby, one of John Brown's comrades, and the first of them to be martyred at Harper's Ferry, Va., on October 17, 1859

For a white man to arm Black people and fight side by side with them in the time he lived was remarkable, and a model to all allies whose sincerest desire is to free all people. To see through the gradualism of white pacifists and line up the U.S. institution of slavery in one's sites requires an incisive mind that is attuned to history. Seeing the ways that slavery operated in the United States as a network of connected nodes, each of which must be taken offline in order to induce a crisis at a critical moment in time requires a high level of political sophistication. This man right here is a benchmark for a "white ally." These fools today like Peggy McIntosh and Tim Wise who talk about symbolically surrendering their white skin privilege and symbolically putting down their "invisible knapsacks" of whiteness, they can miss me with that shit. Are you ready to kill or be killed rebelling against the enslavement that enables your very freedom?

John Brown, motherfuckers. One righteous, crazy whiteboy.

Saturday, May 2, 2015

Getting Real Justice: Why a Black Prosecutor Is Not Enough

"The lesson this teaches and which every Afro-American should ponder well, is that a Winchester rifle should have a place of honor in every black home, and it should be used for that protection which the law refuses to give. When the white man who is always the aggressor knows he runs as great a risk of biting the dust every time his Afro-American victim does, he will have greater respect for Afro-American life."--Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors, 1892
"How come...with the thousands of black cops in America...you ain't never picked up the paper, turned on the TV, or the news...and seen white folk crying...because this black cop...shot my loved one in the back of the head...cause he thought the cellphone was a gun. How come you don't see that?...You think black cops is...more spiritual? You think better qualified? Nah...They got enough sense to know that white folks ain't going to tolerate it...And the only reason they do to us what they do cause you tolerate it." -- Dick Gregory (sampled on Killer Mike track "Don't Die")

Ida B. Wells and Dick Gregory were both commenting on the relationship between power-- especially the power to kill-- and perception. White cops see Black people as a threat more often and shoot us down simply because they can. Nothing we can do can make us appear less threatening to them. Five hundred years of enslaving us has built into their subjectivities and institutional culture the sense that we are the sum total of all the threats to the society they defend and can be killed not only without remorse but with great congratulations and promotions (or, at least, given paid leave). Targeting us and pulling the trigger is something they regularly train to do, and, indeed, some were recently caught using actual mugshots of Black men as targets at the shooting range. The fact that the police aren't worried about Black people's responses to their violence against us actually works within their unconscious minds to not make them feel that they need to approach our pain with the same level of care and urgency that they have for whites. And it will require force for us to change this. Nonviolence is not enough by itself, though lots of us Black folks seem ready to trust elected officials of the state to resolve it nonviolently now that we see Black people at the heads of state offices like Mayor of Baltimore (Stephanie Rawlings-Blake) and, of course, President of the United States.


And so it was that many people paused yesterday when Maryland State Attorney for Baltimore Marilyn Mosby announced that she will prosecute six Baltimore police officers for their involvement in the death of Freddie Gray while in custody. 
I heard your call for “no justice, no peace.” Your peace is sincerely needed as I work to deliver justice on behalf of this young man.
The most serious of the charges is second-degree depraved heart murder, a charge that carries a potential 30-year sentence. Many Black folks, even some radical and progressive Black leaders, are celebrating Mosby for her courage, and the local Fraternal Order of Police lodge has condemned Mosby's decision. So everyone's happy, and those who aren't happy are assholes anyway. It seems that the law is finally looking out for us Black folks now that we are part of the state and its leadership. We just have to wait, and Marilyn will deliver.

Now, let's just be real for a minute: Charges don't mean shit about justice. There is nothing worth celebrating. We've seen this before, and we know that actual justice will require us to fight against the police and people like the state's attorney. It won't come through their performance of justice for us, although they will most certainly try to make us believe that it is the best they can do.


In the first place, it's very rare that charges against police acting in the line of duty win convictions. To prove murder-- even depraved heart murder-- you have to have witnesses or other evidence that cannot be easily controverted. Kevin Moore, who filmed cell phone video of police arresting Freddie Gray, is presently in police custody, although it is unclear why. And the only footage it appears that Moore was able to get was the police dragging Gray to the police van while Gray screamed in pain. The police will argue that the injuries that put him in that state were part of the normal course of everyday police activity, as they did in the case of Eric Garner's killer (Daniel Pantaleo) and in the case of the beating of Rodney King and pretty much every incident involving Black people getting beaten and killed by police.

The police are one big gang. They don't just wear similar looking uniforms, drive similar-looking cars, and loan each other equipment and humanpower to help suppress uprisings. They speak up for each other and stay silent for each other, and they maintain this code nationwide with astonishing levels of discipline. Whistleblower Officer Pedro Serrano and others reveal how openly the police behind closed doors refer to their role as one of harassing Black men and boys, harassment that often results in deadly shootings, and to the planting and falsification of evidence as "standard operating procedure." Researcher Sylvia Wynter reported that Los Angeles police in the 1990s were fond of using the incident code NHI-- "no humans involved"-- for incidents involving African Americans. These police practices are used to lock up Black people for decades and to justify killing us. And we know that it gets even worse, with Homan Square, the Chicago PD's very own black site for interrogation and torture, former Chicago police detective John Burge, who tortured hundreds of Black men and is now not only out of prison after a brief stint but is actually drawing a pension, Daniel Holtzclaw, the Tulsa police officer who was a serial rapist of Black women, and reserve deputy Robert Bates, a retired insurance executive who apparently paid Tulsa police handsomely so he could live the thrill of chasing down and shooting Black men, like Eric Harris, whom he killed on April 2 while telling him "Fuck your breath" as Harris breathed his last.

Unfortunately, the police are also the only other witnesses to Freddie Gray's last breaths in that van. Even though the police story, promulgated through a witness who claims he heard Freddie Gray bumping around in the van, that Gray severed his own spine is ridiculous and defies simple logic (severing your own spine even partially is enough to paralyze you, and the very nature of spinal injuries is to make you lose control of your body, so you couldn't do all of that to yourself), it is so far the only story that has witnesses whom the courts are pretty much going to believe. Unless some other, hidden witnesses come forward or somebody heard an officer admit to intentionally acting with disregard to the life of Freddie Gray, no charges will stick for Officer Caesar Goodson and his five cronies because the evidence isn't there to meet the burden of proving murder beyond a "reasonable" doubt.  The prosecutor has to prove that Goodson, the driver of the van, had a "depraved heart" as he accelerated, decelerated, and turned, knocking Gray around in the van, that he was indifferent to what was happening to Gray. Police Chief Anthony Batts has already admitted that the officers violated departmental policy when they failed to buckle him in, but their spin machine has already gotten an excuse for that out there-- that they know they did wrong and it sometimes happens. The police don't even have to present their own counter explanation. Their defense attorneys will just have to prove that it is reasonable to doubt the prosecutor's explanation of events.

But every legal and extralegal technicality that can be used to protect cops will be used to protect cops. The only question is at what level of the process it will occur. If the police are unable to squash it, and the prosecutor has bypassed a grand jury (which, along with extremely biased prosecution, squashed chances for justice in the police killing of Mike Brown), there are still any number of ways. Rekia Boyd was an innocent bystander to a confrontation between a young Black man and Dante Servin, an off-duty Chicago police officer who pulled out a gun and fired into a crowd, killing Boyd instantly. Ten days ago, Judge Dennis Porter dismissed the case against Servin, calling Servin's actions "beyond reckless" so that the charges of involuntary manslaughter didn't apply. And so ended the hopes of Rekia Boyd's family members of getting personal justice for her. It ain't hard to see the game is rigged: The prosecutor under-charges, the judge throws out the case, the police botch the investigation into themselves.

No Ethical Authority
What is much more important is that Freddie Gray is dead from a force so violent that it broke his neck, and the people know it was the police who killed him. At the level of our basic affects, we don't trust the police. We know something about "rough rides" or "nickel rides." HBO drama The Wire depicted them almost humorously, reaffirming old stereotypes of Black men who are insensate to pain, despite their vocal complaints. Philadelphia police paid out $490,000 in 2014 to James McKenna for intentionally injuring him during a 2011 "nickel ride," and has paid millions more for paralyzing spinal injuries to others in recent years. As one commentator points out, the "nickel ride" is so common that it even has several names within the violent culture of police.

We should not be relying on Maryland's Marilyn Mosby to get justice for the murder of Freddie Gray any more than we should have relied on Missouri's Bob McCulloch to get justice for the murder of Mike Brown. Both Mosby and McCulloch are Democrats, and both of them are children (and in Mosby's case, a grandchild and niece) of police officers. The hope that we put in the U.S. justice system to give us justice is surprising, a sign more of our desperation for the flavor of the real thing if we can't actually make the real thing ourselves. But it is worth remembering that, as Black liberation theorist Dhoruba bin Wahad says, "the European nation-state, and America in particular, given the racist nature of its evolution has absolutely no right whatsoever to act as a surrogate executer of justice for people of color." Not only will they always tend to pursue "justice" in ways that preserve their position as legitimate authorities-- in other words, they will tend to botch it-- but in the sight of Black people, the justice system has never really had any ethical authority in the first place. Our reliance on our killers to dole out justice to those acting on its behalf can only ever bring a facsimile of justice, the hollow expression of a desire for a certain performance proving to us that our lives do actually matter, as though we really needed such an acknowledgement from our primary genociders.

As with the Presidency of the United States and the mayorship of Baltimore, people act like position of State's Attorney for Baltimore is like a BMW. Somebody's gotta drive it, it might as well be somebody Black, and we Black folks are proud to see one of us representing in something usually reserved for white folks. I understand that sentiment, but I still say that we should not be proud to have a Black mayor and a Black prosecutor when they are part of that genocidal structure. People who think otherwise have a serious deficit in their theory of what the state is. The state is not the shiny car you've always envied the white boys for having and that you could only hope to get second hand, and when you get a nice new one of your own you're really proud and feel really powerful. That ain't it. The state was founded on your physical and social death (genocide and slavery). And, through things like the police, prison/jail system, and military that targets people who look like you, it remains that deathly apparatus for Black people, even when Black people are heading it. The U.S. state-- and perhaps the modern nation-state in general-- don't know themselves if they are not targeting, assaulting, capturing, and murdering Black bodies. So if the state is a car, us Black folks are the fuel it burns and exhausts out, the roads over which it speeds. And it remains that even if a Black woman is driving.

The police, when not acting in their primary function as the repressive killer elite of the state, work for and with the courts as trained liars. Their apparent role of protecting and serving the people is something one could only believe in if one wasn't listening to Black and Native peoples. In our communities, the police act as an occupying force that claims to have the mission of protect and serve but acts on the mission of search and destroy. They invaded Kathryn Johnston's Atlanta home and Kenneth Chamberlain's White Plains, New York, home and killed both of these senior citizens. They hunted Ramarley Graham to his grandmother's house and shot him. They shot down Julian Alexander right outside of his Anaheim home where he grabbed a broom handle and sought to protect his wife and child from what he thought were burglars. They arrested Anna Brown of St. Louis as she sought help in a hospital for severe leg pain and ended up aggravating the blood clot in her legs that killed her. All of these happened in different locales, but all took on the same pattern in which police officers acting in their capacity as police perceive Black bodies and see something they ought to be targeting, capturing, shooting, restraining, or (when we need help) ignoring.


My friend works at a homeless shelter in East Oakland. East Oakland is a predominantly Black and Latino section of the city. A few months back, a woman residing at the shelter was kidnapped from the shelter in the middle of the day. In the process, the kidnappers exchanged gunfire with someone near the shelter. Shell casings were strewn across the parking lot. My friend said that staff called the police repeatedly, and the police had not arrived 12 hours later. Staff had to bag the shell casings themselves so that people could drive into the parking lot without crushing the shell casings under their tires. The police arrived more than a day after the shooting happened. And, to my knowledge, it never made the news.

How can we form a society together when white people shoot our unarmed youths down like dogs with impunity? 

How can we form a society together when white people fill the air up with mourning for their deaths while people hardly hear about our deaths and they aren't mourned when we do hear about them?

How can we form a society together with those charged to "protect and serve" killing us?

We can see it from here. We connect the dots. If people cannot feel empathy for us, we cannot form a society together. And honestly, we do not form a society with them.

White folks really don't understand that this violence toward us is structural, not just individual, even (perhaps especially) when they say that they do, when they say, "I get it, but you're not the only ones who get treated this way, Black people" or "All Lives Matter." They will cite individual instances of personal injustice or affront they experienced at the hands of police. These anecdotes fly in the face of evidence that shows that in some places we Black folks are 10 times more likely than white people to be incarcerated for marijuana use, even though all races use marijuana at the same rate, and it flies in the face of evidence that shows that our youths are 21 times more likely than white youths to get killed by police. But none of this disputes the structurally antiblack nature of the police, borne out of their long history as the slave patrols. It doesn't matter that the police treat certain white people the way they treat Black people. The police state targets Black folks so much, it gets accustomed to treating all inmates as Black. It's so easy for officers to go into the default mode of targeting, profiling, beating, and killing Black people that sometimes the police state beats up the people it was really meant "to protect and serve," white women.


A Predisposition to Punish
Let's look at some examples. In  Skokie, Illinois, a suburb of Chicago, pigs pushed a white woman, Cassandra Feuerstein into a holding cell, causing her to fall face first into a cement bench. The damage to her skull was so bad it required facial reconstructive surgery. Watch the video so you can compare.

But the police state never stopped beating up Black people. It has a permanent antagonism toward Black people that does not let up for an instant. So even if it expands at times to beat up on white women, nothing changed for Black people. It doesn't make white women more Black or Black people less Black. In fact, white people in general are the police in relation to Black people. The double standard relating to how to police treat them, even during riot situations, is apparent to anyone who is willing to witness it.

Even in attacking a white woman, the police state checks itself, and if you watch the video of the Skokie incident, you can see it. The agents of the state can severely injure this white woman, but they can't go all the way. The state backs off immediately and does no further harm. It hears her screams of pain and feels them as its own. Notice the way the pigs immediately attend to her injuries. Even notice the way the article framing her case doesn't feel the need to mention the charges leading to her arrest. Somehow, people can see a white woman getting abused in jail without feeling the impulsive need to ask "Well, what did she do?" before they can feel for her.



Now, compare that to the death of Anna Brown, 29, a Black woman just over four hours down the road in St. Louis, Missouri. Around 11am on September 20, 2011, Brown, who had been homeless since losing her house in a tornado less than a year before, complained of swollen and painful ankles and entered three different hospitals seeking care. She was actually suffering from a blood clot in her legs, but doctors repeatedly failed to detect the blood clot and discharged her. Doctors examined her three times over the next 24 hours, and released her. After being discharged from the St. Mary's Hospital Emergency Room in Richmond Heights, a suburb of St. Louis, Brown sat in the lobby in a wheelchair and said that she was still in pain and refused to leave until the pain was treated.

The hospital staff called security, and security officer Steve Schaffer called Richmond Heights police, charging Brown with trespassing. Richmond Heights police told Brown to walk and then forced her out of the wheelchair, causing her to fall on her face on the hospital floor. At that time, the police and hospital concluded that she needed another minor examination, but the hospital discharged her again two hours later, and the police forced her out of the hospital to the police car.

Upon arriving at the jail parking lot, Richmond Heights police officer Jason Tharp then dragged Brown from the car and other officers joined in dragging her to the jail cell where they left her on the floor screaming. The blood clot in her leg migrated up to her lungs and killed her as she lay on the floor. After she died, a police officer told fire chief Kerry Hogan that he and the hospital workers "thought she was a drug seeker," to which the fire chief replied, "Well, that could very well be." This is all recorded on closed circuit television (CCTV) obtained by the local newspaper.

So, on one hand, the white woman in Skokie was already under arrest and got thrown into the jail cell by those who are supposed "to protect and serve" white women. When it became apparent that she had been injured, the white woman was immediately surrounded by police officers not forcing her to get up and telling her she wasn't feeling what she was feeling, but actually tending to her needs. Having initially defaulted to their usual assault mode, the officers self corrected to protecting and serving this white woman from themselves. Her screams were heard. Her pain was acknowledged. And the state bent from its customary role as an abuser of Black bodies-- or those blackened by being in such close proximity with Black bodies-- to a caretaker role.




On the other hand, before Brown even got arrested-- in fact, when she was still in the hospital, the space where she was supposed to get treated-- hospital workers had already branded her as a "drug seeker," someone who was just seeking a place to sleep for a few nights. In other words, being surrounded not by police with guns, cuffs, and tasers on their belts but by medical professionals, those whose first charge is to "do no harm," she was still treated as a criminal and thrown to the whims of gratuitous state force. Before the actual police had even been called, the guiding principle in the minds of those charged with her treatment was that she was probably lying about her pain in order to get a drug fix and was therefore a threat to be removed, even with force.

Depraved Hearts
We can look at this situation and see the whole problem with what Black people face in racist America. Let's notice a couple of things. In the first place, the police are not just the "boys in blue." As Frank Wilderson says, "White people are the police." Not only in political society-- the state apparatus-- but also in civil society-- in this case, hospitals-- policing is an imperative that follows Black people everywhere and situates others as white in relation to us. Historically, Wilderson points out, all white people were deputized to police all Black people. And to this day, Black people are available to be policed in any place and for any reason, and all white and nonblack people are deputized to do it. (Tharp was promoted to Senior Patrol Officer six months after he dragged Anna Brown from his squad car to the jail cell, and hospital staff stood by and watched it happen to her. Remember, this is a woman who is screaming in pain that her legs hurt, and he dragged her legs along the ground.) And when there are not enough nonblack people available to do it, a class of Black people, called the Black bourgeoisie (police officers, military personnel,  social workers, ministers, corporate types, teachers, professors, etc.), is deputized to police the masses of Black poor folks.

In the second place, the Black body does not get an empathetic response. Our pain is greeted with disbelief when heard and generally is not heard. One of the best friends from my childhood, a white man, greeted the video of officer Johannes Mehserle shooting unarmed passenger Oscar Grant in the back by saying, "Well, what had he done?" and "Look! He's squirming. That's resisting arrest." (And, of course, Black people buy into the same shit. One Black woman I met in the academy, hearing about Professor Henry Louis Gates getting arrested for breaking and entering into his own home, asked, "Well, what did he do?")

In struggle, we need a theory of what the state is so that we know what to do with it, so that we know why it is not enough to have more Black people in it or even leading its local state's attorney office. But we don't need to look much further than what we can already see in plain sight. The state is not formulated to protect Black people. It does not always exist to destroy us, although it always reserves that right. But it is indifferent to Black suffering. The cessation of our pain and precarious existence does not shape the state's actions, and the state will not stop doing what it does just because Black people say, "Ouch, that hurts." 

If the charges of "depraved heart" were going to apply anywhere, they would have to apply to the whole of america itself. This isn't just true of the state. The same is true of all the other non-state institutions-- collectively known as civil society-- that include educational institutions, hospitals, sports teams, churches, the media, and many others. Civil society defines itself in opposition to Black folks. That is why efforts to expand civil society tend to happen at the expense of Black people. Indeed, it is no accident that, over the last 300 years, the traditional social lubricants of modern bourgeois civil society--- coffee, tea, tobacco, sugar, chocolate, rum-- were slave crops grown in the African diaspora, Africa, the Caribbean, and south Asia, just as the social lubricants of contemporary civil society-- smartphones, tablets, computers, and other tools of social media-- require Black death (including slave-mined coltan from Congo to create them and toxic cadmium dumping in places like Agbogbloshie, Ghana, to dispose of them) in the form of Congolese miners forced to work. Today, two of the harbingers of gentrification-- displacement of Black residents from the urban places we call home-- are coffee shops and the artists' lofts. Even in professional football, a sporting event that brings more people together than any other sport in the USA, Black players are given less time to recover from injuries than are white players.




The quintessential building block of community-- the neighbor or community member-- is a category that refuses Black people, even when Black people are actually neighbors. Consider, for example, Glenda Moore, a Black resident of Staten Island. When Hurricane Sandy washed her SUV away with her two sons, age 2 and 4, she bravely went door to door seeking help from nearby residents to rescue her sons, but none would help her. As her cousin described it, ‘The first person she knocked on, she begged the"m and said: “Please call 911”.‘They told her: “I don’t know you” and closed the door. She tried another door but they turned the lights off. The 5' 3 woman was perceived to be enough of a threat that fellow Staten Islanders wouldn't even call 911 to help her.

Near Orlando, Florida, when Tonya Thomas began shooting her own children, some of her children fled to a next-door neighbor's doorstep and began knocking desperately to be let in. Her neighbors refused to help the children. The children returned to their home and were killed by Thomas who then also killed herself.

Freddie Gray grew up in a West Baltimore neighborhood that was known for high rates of childhood lead poisoning, and in his infancy he was known to suffer the effects of lead poisoning at levels more than seven times the level that legally requires state monitoring. He didn't live far from neighborhoods in Baltimore where Johns Hopkins University tested the effects of lead poisoning on Black children by deliberately placing low-income Black families with young children in homes known to contain lead hazards.

State and civil society, then, are structurally antiblack. It is not enough for progressives to think they can take them over and try to steer them away from doing antiblack things. The state and civil society are antiblack in themselves, not just in their practices. The state would not recognize itself as a state if it were acting for Black people, on our behalf, motivated by our interests. Civil society would not recognize itself as civil society if it were for Black people.

There is no basis for believing that the police or the court system for which they work will ever get us justice because our justice is more than just personal. No Black state's attorney will actualize that kind of justice so long as she draws her paycheck and political capital from the structure that is antagonistic to that form of justice. Our justice requires that we end the structural relationship they have to us, a structural relationship of genocide. And that requires that we build things forceful enough to do that. It requires that we cultivate fighting formations, people's armies, and study how best to use them for freedom struggle.

Forming Fighting Formations
I have been reading Ida B. Wells' Mob Rule in New Orleans and William Ivy Hair's Carnival of Fury, both about a Black man named Robert Charles. Charles was born in 1865 in Copiah County, Mississippi. He most likely watched his father and older male relatives gain their rights to vote when the 15th Amendment was passed, and then lose their rights to vote after the federal troops withdrew and white racists terrorized Blacks out of voting. Despite growing up at the height of racist repression, he became an outspoken advocate of Black people returning to Africa, and he handed out the literature of Reverend Henry McNeal Turner, an early Pan-Africanist. He was likely familiar with the gruesome lynching and dismemberment of Sam Hose, a laborer in Georgia who stood up to his employer. In 1892, Charles and his brother walked fully armed into Rolling Fork, Mississippi, got into a gunfight with a white man, and took back a pistol he had taken from them. In New Orleans on July 23, 1900, as Charles was visiting his girlfriend, some white policemen stopped him. In the resulting confrontation, Charles shot and injured one policeman with his pistol and was shot in the leg. Escaping to his room, he treated his leg wound and retrieved a Winchester rifle and a small metal device he used to make his own bullets. Over the next few days, as he took shelter first in his room and then in a friend’s house, he shot 27 white people who were coming to kill him. He killed 7, including 4 police, before he was killed and his body torn apart by white mobs. In the riots that followed, white mobs murdered and injured many African American residents of New Orleans. 


Robert Charles is considered an example of what Russell Shoats, in his essay "Black Fighting Formations," calls the “free shooter” model of resistance, in which a small number of well-armed individuals terrorizes and immobilizes the more powerful oppressor population and escapes into a small network of safe houses, even when she or he does not have access to a larger fighting formation (like a cell or a guerrilla army). More recent examples include Christopher Dorner, who reported seeing so much racist abuse in his time as a police officer that he published a manifesto and then took up arms against the state and shut down southern California for a week. Lovelle Mixon, tired of the abuses he saw from Oakland police, took out four of them, including two SWAT pigs, within a matter of hours.  Black folks have long had a strained relationship with the police in our communities, especially when forces like COINTELPRO, RICO, STEP, and the PATRIOT act are designed to prevent us from forming groups of freedom fighters. But we can still find ways of getting justice.



Of course, this means that when we do have a large fighting formation, the structure finds itself infinitely more threatened than it is by the occasional free shooter and puts all its efforts into pre-empting, preventing, discrediting, and destroying certain political blocs from forming. 
Gang truces, like the kinds Fred Hampton was negotiating and the kind the Blood, Crips, and other gangs are negotiating now, are a really big problem for the racist structure to handle because they aren't just political formations. They are politicized military formations between Black radical political intellectuals and the growing Black masses who have already proven willing to evade, resist, and even attack the state. And when we are not too blinded with obsession for becoming part of the state and civil society that are killing us, and we see these formations start to form, it inspires more resistance. Indeed, as Frantz Fanon said,
In order to maintain their stamina and their revolutionary capabilities, the people also resort to retelling certain episodes in the life of the community. The outlaw, for example, who holds the countryside for days against the police, hot on his trail, or who succumbs after killing four or five police officers in single- handed combat or who commits suicide rather than 'give up' his accomplices, all constitute for the people role models, action schemas, and 'heroes.' And there is no point, obviously, in saying that such a hero is a thief, a thug, or a degenerate. If the act for which this man is prosecuted by the colonial authorities is an act exclusively directed against a colonial individual or colonial asset, then the demarcation line is clear and manifest. The process of identification is automatic. (Wretched of the Earth, 11)